Reconceptualization of the theoretical legacy  of V.L. Tsymbursky: political legitimation in the context  of digitalization of international relations

Vladimir Putin and his governing team have operated out of a weltanschauung that offers a twenty first century Russian national idea that animates the Russian federal government’s post-1999 policy program. This article explores the Russian national idea, illuminating the syndrome of pillars that comprise it, and tying the national idea to the Putin government’s policy program. We apply an interdisciplinary case study approach, relying on a modified process tracing analysis, to identify the national idea and its direct relevance to policy making. The notion of a Russian national idea has long preoccupied Russian intellectuals and even officials, and we focus on Vladimir Putin’s thinking and the Putin team’s actions as a national idea emerged and drives policies. Putin’s Russian national idea is comprised of four pillars, the consolidated state, a functioning market economy, a re-established social welfare system, and Russia’s return as a Eurasian leader. We understand these four pillars as constituting a syndrome, signifying that these four pillars reinforce one another. In this article, we give attention to the fourth, international, pillar of the twenty first century national idea. We consider the Russian Federation’s return as a natural Eurasian leader, with a longer-term, historical notion of foreign policy honor that entails Russia’s continued long-term commitment to Eastern Slavs and Eastern Orthodoxy. We link the notion of national honor with a contemporary consideration of a so-called Russian civilization that is relevant to both domestic and foreign policy interests. We highlight various policies, domestic and foreign, that are inherently related to this Russian national idea, and while we acknowledge a complex array of policy successes and dilemmas, we posit an overall Russian Federation programmatic advance. The theoretical significance of our article rests with its exploration of a regime’s worldview and programmatic priorities in advancing policies intended to advance the society it governs. This article is guided by the judgment that the Russian national idea, as articulated by Putin and as applied in policies by the Putin team, merits our serious attention.

A Russian National Idea and the International System

Willerton

Beznosov

Carrier

2021

Key steps towards arms control in Europe

Mizin

Sevost'yanov

Matyuhin

2022

The purpose of this article is to analyze and prepare specific recommendations on key, but still unresolved, topical issues of arms control in Europe. The recommendations, in particular, include the further prevention of the deployment of new medium- and shorter-range missiles, non-strategic ("tactical") nuclear weapons, as well as the identification of prospects for limiting the conventional arms race and issues of means to prevent dangerous military incidents. In this regard, the article analyzes a promising set of measures for creating a mutual system of European security and resolving a number of key problems in this area through the prism of the issues of the INF Treaty, TNW and other international documents and treaties, suggests concrete steps and ways of effective implementation in this direction. The article used systematic, retrospective, comparative, hermeneutic methods of scientific research. The novelty of the approach lies in the fact that the article does this in the context of an analysis of the aggravation of the situation around Ukraine, its attempts to join NATO and Russian demands to the United States and NATO on the need for legally binding guarantees of mutual security made in November-December 2021. The six concrete steps proposed by the authors towards arms control in Europe, as well as a set of measures in the field of limitation and reduction of conventional weapons in Europe, consisting of twelve points, are also innovative. The authors focus on the need to reduce the number of non-strategic nuclear warheads and their placement, eliminate certain classes of non-strategic nuclear weapons, exchange information on the types and number of delivery systems of non-strategic nuclear warheads, formalize obligations not to dock non-strategic nuclear warheads with their delivery systems, as well as obligations not to exceed the aggregate limit on non-strategic and non-deployed strategic warheads, conduct periodic mutual on-site inspections. The authors see promising measures to create a flexible and constructive security architecture in the European region in the intensification of both diplomatic and military dialogue between Russia and NATO, in the formation of legally fixed measures to prevent the threat of mutual military clashes, in the resumption of joint work on cooperation in airspace and in marine areas, in the development of new procedures for de-escalation military incidents and conflicts. The practical and theoretical significance of the work lies in the systematic analysis of a set of important security measures on the European continent after a fundamental change in the world security system, including the termination of almost all international arms control agreements. This was especially relevant already at the beginning of 2022 in the situation of Russia conducting a special military operation on the territory of Ukraine and increasing the likelihood of a military nuclear conflict between Russia and NATO.

Russia - Europe in a polycentric world: the imperative of new approaches to constructive dialogue

Mizin

2024

The objective of this article is to try to outline ways to further strengthen the country's role and contribution to the process of building a renewed architecture of European security and multilateral cooperation on the continent on the basis of Russia's historically integral membership in Greater Europe in political, economic, socio–cultural and socio-psychological dimensions. For centuries, Russia has undoubtedly been the leading European power, largely determining the course of history and the development of processes in the region, laying the foundations for the still existing system of relations between European states. At the same time, the problem of Russian identity/uniqueness remains at the center of acute debates in the political and academic environment and the intellectual development of the country. In this regard, the article analyzes possible approaches to strengthening Russia's role in the region and possible options for a constructive contribution to European security in the future. Based on traditional political science methods (analysis and synthesis, comparative studies), an attempt is made to present scenarios and possible solutions to strengthen Russia's position in the European region as a leading power in the development of the strategy of national "Europeanism". This is also a new theoretical contribution to the development and understanding of the Russian concept and the elaboration of the future strategy of "Europeanism". A number of specific initiatives in this regard are also proposed, which could, in principle, be used by Russian foreign policy establishment and other institutions. The practical significance of the study is seen precisely in this provision of a whole set of specific proposals for building the future of Russian foreign policy and setting guidelines for organizing the activities of our diplomacy. The author comes to the conclusion that it is imperative for Russia in the current extremely convoluted international situation to take an active, positive and offensive diplomatic line with a determined imposition of our negotiating agenda on partners in order to constructively overcome the current profound crisis in relations with the "collective West", including its European segment. Naturally, in strict observance of the vital interests of national security in all its aspects.