Recovering Armenia

Ekmekçioğlu, Lerna

doi:10.1515/9780804797191

Cited by 83 publications

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“…As Lerna Emekçio glu has recently shown, the Armenian citizens of Istanbul (Bolsahay), for instance, had to reconstruct their communities within a country that still considered them traitors. Although many of these Republican zimmi 'recovered their identity within these drastically changing political conditions', 88 they did not become Turks the way their Muslim fellow citizens did. Surely, as many other non-Muslim communities who were left without any real prospect of full integration on an equal basis, they were never regarded as yabancı in the way others from foreign countries were.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Non-Muslim citizens as foreigners within: how Ecnebi became Yabancı from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic

Bouquet

2017

Middle Eastern Studies

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Serap the schoolteacher noticed the epigraph above the fountain. It read: 'Pious donation of Mıgdıs, son of Barad.' She could not understand. This was a foreign word, but what did it mean? Hacı Amca, who had performed the ablutions for the prayer, leant towards the fountain's basin to drink his fill. After having said 'Thank be to God,' he whispered, 'May you rest in peace, Mıgdıs Efendi.' Meanwhile, he turned toward Serap the schoolteacher and started to tell the [following] story: 'My daughter-schoolteacher, Mıgdıs is the name of the Armenian who had this fountain repaired. He was an Ottoman subject. He had established a pious foundation. Yes, Non-Muslim people of these lands, too, have created various foundations.' Serap the schoolteacher had learnt something new. 1 This story takes place in G€ um€ uşhacık€ oy, a village located in the region of Amasya. It appears in a schoolbook published by the Directorate General of Foundations. Its purpose is to highlight to what extent non-Muslim subjects of the sultan played an active role in 'the civilization of pious foundations' (Vakıf medeniyeti) 2 that has been highly glorified by Turkey's Islamist regime in recent years. 3 In the story, the schoolteacher takes an Armenian name for a foreign name. Moreover, the authors of the book mention as 'Magdis Kiregos' someone whose name was probably 'Makdisi Giragos'. 4 This is a well-known fact: like many other people, Turkish citizens often experience difficulties in identifying the origins of proper names. 5 Another reality is less considered by scientific studies and popular literature: in Turkey, someone who would not be considered as a foreigner -Mıgdıs, an Armenian who 'was an Ottoman subject'sometimes comes to be regarded as such. The purpose of the present article is to shed light on this reality from an historical perspective.Since the establishment of the Republic in 1923, any non-Muslim born in Turkey, whether Greek, Armenian or Jewish, is a Turkish citizen as much as any of his/her Muslim fellows. Located at the core of Kemalist ideology, this principle was inscribed in constitutional law. As Ismet In€ on€ u, who was a war comrade of Mustafa Kemal and became the President of the Turkish Republic after he died in 1938, once said: 'A Turk is whoever desires and loves to be so.' 6 Tekin Alp who quoted him added: 'To belong to the same nation, it is not necessary to belong either to the same race or religion, but to speak the same language, share the same culture and ideals.' 7 Practically, the founding philosophy of Turkish nationalism was partly implemented through policies of 'turkification' (t€ urkleştirme) conducted during the 1930s. However, many specialists have identified flaws CONTACT Olivier Bouquet

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Non-Muslim citizens as foreigners within: how Ecnebi became Yabancı from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic

Bouquet

2017

Middle Eastern Studies

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“…While researching the agency of Armenian youth in relation to collective memory, the meaning of family history and Armenian heritage takes on a new significance for women seeking mnemonic agency. Although the role of women in preserving Armenian identity and familial memory in various Armenian communities has already been explained by earlier studies (Altınay, 2014;Avakian and Attarian, 2015;Azarian-Ceccato, 2010;Bilal, 2006;Brown and DeRycke, 2010;Ekmekcioglu, 2016;Manoogian et al, 2008;Schmeeckle and Sprecher, 2008), the dominant focus has been on the survivors of forced deportations and massacres, rather than the generations born after the memory boom, when memories are remediated and re-narrated through digital or institutionalized storytelling (Dekel, 2011;Erll and Rigney, 2009;Reading, 2016). Less attention has been directed toward how memories are re-narrated by younger generations, rather than transmitted (Welzer, 2010), and how remembrance can lead to a sort of "negotiation" between what is inherited and what is experienced.…”

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confidence: 99%

“I think it is [the] mother who keeps things going”: The gendered division of labor in the transmission of memory of the Armenian Genocide

Muti

Gürpınar

2021

Memory Studies

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In this paper, we discuss what role gender plays in remembering, transmitting, and reframing memories of the Armenian Genocide in order to address the question of how young Armenian women negotiate their roles in this process. Centering the societal roles of memory transmission, we employ the specific sociological lens of gender to analyze 26 interviews conducted in Beirut during the week of the official commemorations of the Armenian Genocide in 2016. We define gender as the social construction of a stylized repetition of acts that reflect power relations. Accordingly, the examination of these power relations is necessary not only to understand the experiences and testimonies of men and women, but also the transmission of memory. While understanding Armenian youth as agents of the collective memory, gender allows us to discuss different patterns of remembrance and transmission. We therefore argue that gender influences how individuals remember the Armenian Genocide, as it underpins the (historically) assigned roles of memory and transmission.

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“…For instance, those who use such names as Ibrahim-the-Chechen [Çeçen İbrahim] or Mehmet-the-Laz [Laz Memet (sic)] must definitely find other names for themselves. This is why our purpose is to suppress the separation that does not actually exist in reality but still lives in people's minds.30 Article 3 continued the Government's efforts to homogenize the country by destroying all affiliations that were deemed non-national.31 Still, it did not forbid 27 TBMMZC IV,23,71,191. 28 For another example of such etymological concern, see the words of Ziya Gevher Bey, deputy of Çanakkale, who proposed a motion that "the name cannot be from any foreign language" (quoted in non-Turkic surnames such as "Kevorkian," "Kohen" or "Papadopulos.…”

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confidence: 99%

“Yan, Of, Ef, Viç, İç, İs, Dis, Pulos …”: the Surname Reform, the “Non-Muslims,” and the Politics of Uncertainty in Post-genocidal Turkey

Szurek¹

2020

Arabic and Its Alternatives

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Recovering Armenia

Cited by 83 publications

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Non-Muslim citizens as foreigners within: how Ecnebi became Yabancı from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic

Non-Muslim citizens as foreigners within: how Ecnebi became Yabancı from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic

“I think it is [the] mother who keeps things going”: The gendered division of labor in the transmission of memory of the Armenian Genocide

“Yan, Of, Ef, Viç, İç, İs, Dis, Pulos …”: the Surname Reform, the “Non-Muslims,” and the Politics of Uncertainty in Post-genocidal Turkey

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