Referendums and Ethnic Conflict

Qvortrup, Matt

doi:10.9783/9780812209327

Cited by 68 publications

(18 citation statements)

References 37 publications

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“…Familiar language (Catalan vs. Spanish); type of family descent (Catalan natives vs. long settled migrants from other Spanish regions plus more recently settled from abroad); and educational level (as a proxy of wealth and status), were main predictors for support vs. rejection of secession. These findings help thus to discern the relevant components of a clear cut ethnocultural frontier along which political tensions can be aggravated very easily (Horowitz, 2001;Miley, 2007;Qvortrup, 2014, Marí-Klose, 2015Llaneras, 2017;Tobeña, 2017aTobeña, , 2017bOEC Group, 2017;Bertomeus, 2018a). Such kind of ethno-cultural alignment was illustrated also by the relevance of identity feelings: "sense of belonging" was an important mediator of the gap between secessionists and unionists.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…All kind of frictions appear at different social scenarios and keep nowadays confronted two communities who enjoyed a long tradition of tolerant and convivial relationships (Amat, 2017;Elliot, 2018). There are worries, in fact, that such a divide may lead to inter-group confrontations that would carry the dangerous and hateful ingredients that appear in societies containing unsealed ethno-cultural frontiers (Horowitz, 2001;Lustick et al, 2004;Sorens, 2005;Qvortrup, 2014).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Secessionists vs. Unionists in Catalonia: Mood, Emotional Profiles and Beliefs about Secession Perspectives in Two Confronted Communities

Oller¹,

Satorra²,

Tobeña³

2019

PSYCH

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Political tensions created by Catalonian secessionism within Spain are unsettled one year after the failed proclamation of independence at 27 th October 2017. A big segment of citizens (38% -48% of the region population) supports secession, but there is another portion of citizenry, of similar size, that has resisted secessionist aspirations. Secessionism acquired forceful impetus along the last decade, wining consecutive regional elections and two (illegal) consultations about self-determination. A rise of activism, however, showed by unionists both at street demonstrations and at the last Regional election, consolidated a draw within a deeply polarized and divided society. We present an analysis of survey data that distinguish prevalent mood and emotion profiles among unionist vs. secessionist segments. Despite their protracted and unsuccessful venture, secessionists felt much less tired and confused than unionists, and they referred to be much less fearful and more hopeful about political and economic future. We link those distinctive feelings and disparate beliefs about current difficulties with a cognitive distortion noticeable only among secessionists, about the real magnitude of their force. We discuss these findings connecting such cognitive and affective profiles with features of a compounded ethno-cultural frontier based mainly on habitual language (Catalan vs. Spanish) and family-descent origins that have probably worked as the principal alignment vector. This social cleavage might function as a fracture line for extremist aggravations of a serious political conflict within the European Union.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Secessionists vs. Unionists in Catalonia: Mood, Emotional Profiles and Beliefs about Secession Perspectives in Two Confronted Communities

Oller¹,

Satorra²,

Tobeña³

2019

PSYCH

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“…But they had not bought, apparently, the glittering promises of secessionism despite the intensive apostolate received. They have been waiting still and trying to live as if there were no urgencies from the domi- had already announced (Muñoz & Tormos, 2013;Zabalza, 2014;Tobeña, 2017). The secessionist movement has demonstrated a robust and persisting force not only for the capacity to mobilize huge amounts of enthusiastic followers repeatedly but because it has created situations that were perceived as outstanding victories against the Central State.…”

Section: The New Strength Of the Marginalized Unionistsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Entrenched Catalonia: A Secessionist Venture Trapped on an Ethno-Political Draw

Tobeña¹

2018

PSYCH

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A lengthily prepared secessionist attempt culminated, in Catalonia, on Autumn of 2017. A Declaration of Independence was approved by the Regional Parliament, the 27 th October, and followed by a suspension of the Autonomy Rule, dictated by Central Government, after due permission by Spanish Senate in accordance with the Constitution. This resulted in the destitution of the Regional Government and the dissolution of the Autonomous Parliament. The secessionist movement had demonstrated great force not only by mobilizing huge amounts of followers repeatedly but on elections and challenges perceived as victories against the State. A rise of influence, however, showed by unionist forces both at street demonstrations and on the last Regional election (21 th. Dec. 2017), has created a situation that appears as an entrenched draw, within a deeply divided society. I discuss here social and economic profiles that distinguish two big segments of Catalan citizenry, in relation to their options in favor of or against secession. Those profiles that can be traced to a recognizable ethno-cultural frontier based on family origins and habitual language may also contribute to enhance current tensions.

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“…In a study of all referendums on ethnic/nationalist issues since the French Revolution to 2012, Matt Qvortrup finds that referendums result in peaceful solutions when groups agree to hold a referendum and the international community accepts the result. 6 The referendum has also been shown to enable elites to pre-empt ethnic outbidding and maximize their credibility in reaching a political settlement. 7 These debates highlight the question of whether referendums ride roughshod over the wishes of minority groups.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Letting “the people(s)” decide: peace referendums and power-sharing settlements

McEvoy

2018

Democratization

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Referendums are increasingly used to legitimate power-sharing settlements in deeply divided societies transitioning from violent conflict. This article assesses the use of the referendum to legitimate power sharing, focusing on the capacity of referendum rules to facilitate the 'voice' of multiple groups or 'peoples' engaged in a 'constitutional moment.' Drawing on the constitutional referendums in Northern Ireland in 1998 and Iraq in 2005, I demonstrate that referendum rules matter in highlighting the variable degrees of support for the elite-negotiated deal on the part of the contending groups. The institutional design process prior to the referendum is crucial for incentivising groups to support the settlement, particularly the previously dominant group. When faced with a choice between a simple majority threshold and countermajoritarian procedures, majoritarianism is appropriate only in so far as the main groups see their constitutional preferences satisfied and concurrent majorities can be secured. A qualified majority referendum threshold to protect a minority groups is appropriate for divided states where the groups are regionally concentrated and when the groups agree to such rules.

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Referendums and Ethnic Conflict

Cited by 68 publications

References 37 publications

Secessionists vs. Unionists in Catalonia: Mood, Emotional Profiles and Beliefs about Secession Perspectives in Two Confronted Communities

Secessionists vs. Unionists in Catalonia: Mood, Emotional Profiles and Beliefs about Secession Perspectives in Two Confronted Communities

Entrenched Catalonia: A Secessionist Venture Trapped on an Ethno-Political Draw

Letting “the people(s)” decide: peace referendums and power-sharing settlements

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