Scholars and activists working from within a political economy perspective often fail to explore the distinct motives, interests and behaviours of powerful actors who appear to be working 'as one' on a common agenda. Such is the case in recent analyses of efforts to promote the use of biotechnology in Africa. While the critical literature largely focuses on the attempt to create what Peter Newell calls 'bio-hegemony', the present paper explores the diverse interests and tensions that have to be worked out in order to build such pro-biotechnology coalitions. I analyse the formation of an organization called the African Agricultural Technology Foundation to show how differences between two major pro-biotech actorsthe Rockefeller Foundation and the agricultural biotechnology industrywere negotiated, so that these actors could work together towards the goal of getting GM technologies used and accepted in Africa. In the process, I reveal the inward projection of power that occurred as the biotech companies effectively determined the structure and terms of this alliance. bs_bs_banner supported by the US government as part of the Cold War, and promoted a technology-intensive approach to agriculture. While recognizing that many actorsphilanthropies, governments, international development institutions, universities and corporationswere and continue to be involved in this 'long Green Revolution' (Patel 2013), this literature often treats this group as an undifferentiated mass of similarly minded organizations. In their paper critiquing the dominant development strategy in which these actors are engaged, for example, McMichael and Schneider (2011, 122-3) describe these groups as a 'political-philanthropic corporate alliance' trying to export a US-type agricultural model to Africa.A different set of critiques of the calls for agricultural biotechnology emanates from a recent neo-Gramscian literature (Andrée 2007(Andrée , 2011Newell 2009;Schnurr 2013;Schnurr and Gore 2015). Echoing Gramsci's attention to the way in which consent for a particular political-economic project is constructed by a coalition of actors at a given historical moment, this literature demonstrates how those who stood to benefit most from the uptake of bioengineered crops worked to garner support for biotechnology by acting strategically in the material, ideological/discursive and institutional realms. Peter Andrée (2007, 2011) offers the most theoretically and empirically elaborated version of this argument, illustrating how starting in the 1970s, an industry-led coalition in North America actively worked to establish a genetic engineering regime by making strategic investments in molecular biology, building support for biotechnology among state regulatory agencies, and supporting the establishment of pro-biotech civil-society organizations. Similarly, Peter Newell (2009) asserts that Argentina's widespread support for genetically modified (GM) crops, which he terms 'bio-hegemony', was produced and sustained by an alliance of interests within and outsid...