1993
DOI: 10.1121/1.407571
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Relative perceptual prominence of fundamental frequency peaks in the presence of declination

Abstract: Two experiments were conducted to determine the perceived relative prominence of two accented syllables within the same utterance. The fundamental frequencies (F0) at the two accent peaks (P1,P2) were varied as well as the rate of F0 declination over the unaccented syllables. Extending earlier work by Terken [J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 89, 1768–1776 (1991)] with low-pitched reiterant speech, a real Dutch sentence was employed in both female and male pitch ranges. The results confirm earlier observations that P2 is us… Show more

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“…The realization of dual-focus can also be partly explained by studies that have tested the prominence of sentences with two pitch accents perceptually. It has been found for several Germanic languages that when two accents are perceived as equally prominent, the peak height of the second one is downstepped relative to the first one (Gussenhoven & Rietveld, 1988;Pierrehumbert, 1979;Repp, Rump, & Terken, 1993;Rietveld & Gussenhoven, 1985;Terken, 1991Terken, , 1993. Rump and Collier (1996) also studied the relative heights of two pitch peaks in Dutch.…”
Section: Previous Studies Of Dual-focus In Other Languagesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The realization of dual-focus can also be partly explained by studies that have tested the prominence of sentences with two pitch accents perceptually. It has been found for several Germanic languages that when two accents are perceived as equally prominent, the peak height of the second one is downstepped relative to the first one (Gussenhoven & Rietveld, 1988;Pierrehumbert, 1979;Repp, Rump, & Terken, 1993;Rietveld & Gussenhoven, 1985;Terken, 1991Terken, , 1993. Rump and Collier (1996) also studied the relative heights of two pitch peaks in Dutch.…”
Section: Previous Studies Of Dual-focus In Other Languagesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In a pre-focal position, however, up to the focal accent of a phrase ͑or of a whole utterance͒ there is typically no downstepping, but instead only a very gentle declination ͑if any͒ for successive non-focal accents '' ͑Bruce and Touati, 1992, pp. 455 and 456͒. Careful studies to relate equal prominence of accented syllables within one utterance to simple acoustic features of the pitch contour have not lead to a simple and plausible model ͑Pierrehumbert, 1979; Rietveld and Gussenhoven, 1985;Terken, 1991Terken, , 1993bTerken, , 1994Ladd, 1993;Repp et al, 1993͒. This may be due to the implicit focus structure of the utterance coupled with the absence or presence of downstep, which may have been confounding factors.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%