Representation and Local People’s Congresses in China: A Case Study of the Yangzhou Municipal People’s Congress

Kamo, Tomoki; Takeuchi, Hiroki

doi:10.1007/s11366-012-9226-y

Cited by 22 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 22 publications

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“…It is found that Chinese deputies have been active in environmental bill submissions in recent years (Kamo & Takeuchi, 2012) since climate change has become a major concern among citizens and government officials (Li, 2017;Li et al, 2017;Zheng & Kahn, 2017;Zhu & Wu, 2017). There are similar or greater concerns among citizens and government officials when an environmental accident occurs, which may motivate deputies to submit bills to address the concerns and convince the local leaders that they perform their official role assignment and are worthy of reappointment.…”

Section: Bill Submissionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Environmental accidents and environmental legislation in China: Evidence from provincial panel data (1997–2014)

Zang

2021

Politics & Policy

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Knowledge on environmental disasters and legislation is limited. I narrow this knowledge gap by examining the relationship between environmental accidents and climate legislation in the People's Republic of China. I offer an account of local environmental accidents and local environmental legislation and focus on political centralization to understand bill submission and bill enactment in local climate legislation in China. I built a unique provincial panel dataset for the period of 1997-2014 (N = 527) for the data analysis and found that environmental accidents are correlated with local climate legislation. I also discuss how local government leaders make rational choices under the incentive system in the Chinese bureaucracy in the wake of environmental accidents.

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Section: Bill Submissionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Environmental accidents and environmental legislation in China: Evidence from provincial panel data (1997–2014)

Zang

2021

Politics & Policy

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“…On the other hand, there has been much debate recently on the emergent ability of the People's Congresses today to restrain the government's power, to the extent that they may inch towards a certain kind of "check and balance" dynamism (Almén, 2013;Kamo & Takeuchi, 2013;Manion, 2015;Truex, 2016). However, nobody could yet deny the fact that congresses are not really independent from the Party.…”

Section: Representation In the People's Congressmentioning

confidence: 99%

On Authoritarian Political Representation in Contemporary China

Duan

2019

PaG

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Both in the Party Charter and in the State Constitution, the Chinese Communist Party claims to represent the Chinese people. Instead of treating this claim as mere rhetoric made by the party for propaganda purposes, this article demonstrates that it indicates a rather significant transition in the party’s understanding of its relationship with the people. Particularly, roughly about two decades into the Open and Reform policy initiated under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, the party made a strategic choice in imagining itself as the representative of the people instead of the revolutionary vanguard. This change in the language was very remarkable in the post-1949 Chinese history, in the sense that the party no longer considers itself as the facilitator of proletariat revolution, but as the authoritarian representative in the political community. If representation means “re-presentation”, as in bringing something absent present, this appears to be what the party tries to do. By embodying the nation, the party tries to represent both the rich and the poor, acting as the arbiter of forever present discords and conflicts within the society. Clearly, this representation has nothing to do with what people usually call “democratic” representation. But considering that representation and democracy are conceptually rooted in very different sources, exploring “authoritarian representation” in contemporary China would enable us to better understand both China and democratic representation.

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“…Several studies (e.g. Cho, 2006; Kamo and Takeuchi, 2013; Manion, 2014) show that local people’s congress delegates in China describe themselves as representatives of their geographical area and work for the interests and demands of the region. Malesky and Schuler (2010) show that delegates in Vietnam’s National Assembly face different institutional incentives based on their electoral origins and that their parliamentary behavior is largely shaped by these institutional settings.…”

Section: Related Literature and Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Comparing territorial and functional constituency representations in Hong Kong

Jang

2018

Asian Journal of Comparative Politics

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Much has been studied on political representation either in democratic countries or in competitive authoritarian regimes. However, few have attempted to compare across the two. This article fills this gap by comparing democratic and authoritarian representations within the same collective decision-making body: the Legislative Council of Hong Kong. The original data derives from 2465 parliamentary questions made by 243 legislators serving in the last four legislative sessions from 1998 through 2012. The empirical analysis shows that the type of election variable does not have an impact on the volume of parliamentary questions but that it has a strong effect on the composition of parliamentary policy issues.

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Representation and Local People’s Congresses in China: A Case Study of the Yangzhou Municipal People’s Congress

Cited by 22 publications

References 22 publications

Environmental accidents and environmental legislation in China: Evidence from provincial panel data (1997–2014)

Environmental accidents and environmental legislation in China: Evidence from provincial panel data (1997–2014)

On Authoritarian Political Representation in Contemporary China

Comparing territorial and functional constituency representations in Hong Kong

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