Responses from the Field: Sexual Assault, Domestic Violence, and Policing

Abstract

Advocates, service providers, attorneys, and people working in membershipbased organizations shared stories, concerns and recommendations regarding policing and domestic violence and sexual assault, in response to a nationwide survey conducted over a one-month period in April and May 2015. More than 900 people responded. Responses reflected the themes described below. Concerns Regarding Policing, Domestic Violence, and Sexual Assault Respondents named the following central concerns regarding how police respond to domestic violence and sexual assault and additional reasons that some survivors do not contact the police or cooperate with criminal interventions: Police inaction, hostility, and dismissiveness-An overwhelming majority of the survey respondents (88%) reported that police "sometimes" or "often" do not believe survivors or blamed survivors for the violence. A similarly large majority (83%) reported that police "sometimes" or "often" do not take allegations of sexual assault and domestic violence seriously. Respondents described examples where law enforcement increased the risk of a batterer's retaliation by, for example, taking no action or by dismissing the claims. Police bias-A majority (55%) of respondents said that police bias against particular groups of people or with regard to domestic violence and sexual assault was a problem in their community. Over 80% believed that police-community relations with marginalized communities influenced survivors' willingness to call the police. A significant number of respondents raised concerns about police bias against women as a group, as well as gender/race/ethnicity/religion bias against African-American women, Latinas, Native American women, Muslim women, and women of other ethnic backgrounds. Fifty-four percent (54%) reported that police are biased against immigrants "sometimes" or "often"; sixty-nine percent (69%) reported bias "sometimes" or "often" against women; fifty-eight (58%) reported bias "sometimes" or "often" against LGBTQ-identified individuals; and sixty-six (66%) reported bias sometimes or often against poor people. Significant numbers of respondents also reported police bias against African-Americans, Native Americans, youth survivors, and survivors with mental health or drug abuse problems. Collateral consequences-Eighty-nine percent (89%) reported that contact with the police resulted in involvement with child protective services "sometimes" (47%) or "often" (42%). Respondents gave examples of other negative collateral consequences that may ensue from involvement with the criminal justice system. Sixty-one percent (61%) of respondents reported that contact with the police "sometimes" (43%) or "often" (18%) leads to criminal charges that could then

The reporting and help‐seeking behaviors of domestic violence victims with criminal backgrounds

“…This supports the results of prior research, which has suggested that victims of domestic violence who are treated negatively by law enforcement or who feel that the police do not take their reports seriously are less likely to report any subsequent experiences of victimization (see, e.g., Bennett et al, ). The current review also indicated the existence of an intersectional bias on the part of the police: not only did police exhibit bias towards racial and/or ethnic minority victims of domestic violence, but minority victims with criminal backgrounds were particularly likely to be poorly treated by the police (Coker et al, ).…”

“…Some victims reported that their experiences with law enforcement were characterized by dismissiveness, inaction, and even hostility and that they were treated in a demeaning manner by the police (Carbone‐Lopez et al, ; Coker et al, ). In many cases, victims found that the police did not believe them, blamed them for their victimization, or did not take their allegations seriously (Coker et al, ). Police also assessed victim credibility in their case files, which included the victim's criminal record as a measure of victim character (O'Neal, ).…”

“…Several studies from the current review suggest that criminal justice professionals are more likely to treat victims of domestic violence poorly when they have criminal backgrounds. Some victims reported that their experiences with law enforcement were characterized by dismissiveness, inaction, and even hostility and that they were treated in a demeaning manner by the police (Carbone-Lopez et al, 2016;Coker et al, 2015). In many cases, victims found that the police did not believe them, blamed them for their Female offenders did not report sexual victimization for fear they would not be taken seriously, fear of their own arrest, or because they wanted to deal with attacks, particularly by boyfriends or partners, on their own.…”

“…(Continues) victimization, or did not take their allegations seriously (Coker et al, 2015). Police also assessed victim credibility in their case files, which included the victim's criminal record as a measure of victim character (O'Neal, 2017).…”

“…The term “domestic violence,” often used interchangeably with “intimate partner violence,” refers in this paper to physical, sexual, psychological, emotional, and other forms of violence between and by romantic and marital partners. Criminal backgrounds, which may include any official (i.e., criminal records) or unofficial (i.e., self‐reported criminal histories) offending, may adversely affect the experiences victims of domestic violence have with the justice system in several ways, including (a) their decision to report victimization to authorities, (b) differential treatment by criminal justice system personnel who may find it difficult to consider individuals who have engaged in criminal behavior as “victims” (Coker, Park, Goldscheid, Neal, & Halstead, ; Jordan, Clark, Pritchard, & Charnigo, ), and (c) limited access to some victim services, such as victim compensation and safe public housing (Miller, ).…”