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I argue that RJ processes may be beneficial for some women who experience domestic violence, but only if those processes meet five criteria: prioritize victim safety over batterer rehabilitation; offer material as well as social supports for victims; work as part of a coordinated community response; engage normative judgments that oppose gendered domination as well as violence; and do not make forgiveness a goal of the process. I review my earlier study of Navajo Peacemaking in light of these criteria. I also explore the significant differences between Peacemaking and other processes that are said to be derived from Indigenous justice models, noting in particular that the process is completely controlled by the Navajo Nation.

Advocates, service providers, attorneys, and people working in membershipbased organizations shared stories, concerns and recommendations regarding policing and domestic violence and sexual assault, in response to a nationwide survey conducted over a one-month period in April and May 2015. More than 900 people responded. Responses reflected the themes described below. Concerns Regarding Policing, Domestic Violence, and Sexual Assault Respondents named the following central concerns regarding how police respond to domestic violence and sexual assault and additional reasons that some survivors do not contact the police or cooperate with criminal interventions: Police inaction, hostility, and dismissiveness-An overwhelming majority of the survey respondents (88%) reported that police "sometimes" or "often" do not believe survivors or blamed survivors for the violence. A similarly large majority (83%) reported that police "sometimes" or "often" do not take allegations of sexual assault and domestic violence seriously. Respondents described examples where law enforcement increased the risk of a batterer's retaliation by, for example, taking no action or by dismissing the claims. Police bias-A majority (55%) of respondents said that police bias against particular groups of people or with regard to domestic violence and sexual assault was a problem in their community. Over 80% believed that police-community relations with marginalized communities influenced survivors' willingness to call the police. A significant number of respondents raised concerns about police bias against women as a group, as well as gender/race/ethnicity/religion bias against African-American women, Latinas, Native American women, Muslim women, and women of other ethnic backgrounds. Fifty-four percent (54%) reported that police are biased against immigrants "sometimes" or "often"; sixty-nine percent (69%) reported bias "sometimes" or "often" against women; fifty-eight (58%) reported bias "sometimes" or "often" against LGBTQ-identified individuals; and sixty-six (66%) reported bias sometimes or often against poor people. Significant numbers of respondents also reported police bias against African-Americans, Native Americans, youth survivors, and survivors with mental health or drug abuse problems. Collateral consequences-Eighty-nine percent (89%) reported that contact with the police resulted in involvement with child protective services "sometimes" (47%) or "often" (42%). Respondents gave examples of other negative collateral consequences that may ensue from involvement with the criminal justice system. Sixty-one percent (61%) of respondents reported that contact with the police "sometimes" (43%) or "often" (18%) leads to criminal charges that could then

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