Retained inflectional morphology in pidgins: A typological study

Roberts, Sarah J.; Bresnan, Joan

doi:10.1515/lity.2008.039

Cited by 72 publications

(28 citation statements)

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“…details regarding the continuity and discontinuity in tense-aspect-mood (tAM) morphology, differential object case marking (doM) and verbal agreement will be provided. furthermore, inflectional morphology retention, reinterpretation and erosion are debated in the light of current research on diachronic grammatical change and language contact (roberts;Bresnan, 2008). And finally, i summarize the current findings and point to future research on the Ache language and aspects of language contact within the tG family.…”

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confidence: 87%

“…At this point two observations should be uncontroversial: first, Ache lost far more formatives belonging to the contextual than to the inherent type of inflection, a common feature for contact induced language change according to roberts and Bresnan (2008). these elements are encoded predominantly via prefixation in tG grammars, precisely the type of morphology that fell out or shows no functional productivity in Ache grammar.…”

Section: Inflectional Erosion and Retentionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…nevertheless, linguists have compiled at least some common features regarding morphosyntax (Holm, 2008;roberts;Bresnan, 2008;thomason;Kaufman, 1991). overall shared characteristics seem to be the lack of inflectional morphology, a tendency towards analytic rather than synthetic structures, and the employment of word order constraints instead of bound formatives to encode grammatical relations.…”

Section: Inflectional Erosion and Retentionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A possible explanation may be provided in roberts and Bresnan (2008). the authors not only give evidence for the existence of inflectional morphology in CLs but also discuss more detailed "patterns in retention of inflectional morphology across contact languages that experienced processes of structural reduction in their genesis " (roberts;Bresnan, 2008, p. 271).…”

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confidence: 99%

“…the authors not only give evidence for the existence of inflectional morphology in CLs but also discuss more detailed "patterns in retention of inflectional morphology across contact languages that experienced processes of structural reduction in their genesis " (roberts;Bresnan, 2008, p. 271). this paper focuses on the comparative description of morphosyntactic data sets related to inflectional morphology erosion and restructuring in Ache when compared to the better-studied Guarani language cluster.…”

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confidence: 99%

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Inflectional morphology restructuring in ache - discussing grammatical change and language contact in tupí-guaraní subgroup - 1

Rößler

2015

Bol. Mus. Para. Emílio Goeldi. Ciênc. hum.

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this paper deals with mechanisms of grammatical change in Ache, focusing on inflection. Ache contains restricted functional morphology when compared to most tupí-Guaraní languages. Although erosion of inflection is attested in linear historical developments within this genetic context; the degree of inflectional erosion observed in Ache is exceptional. Ache lacks all tG prefixes, consequently, processes linked to person-number agreement, such as person hierarchy effects, are unattested. Ache enclitics for tense-aspect-mood marking (tAM) appear to be more similar to other tG languages. However, given closer examination, also for tAM considerable restructuring is revealed. Besides describing erosion and retention patterns of inflection, it is exemplified how Ache copes with the overall functional restructuring by generating innovative syntactic patterns and novel lexical items. inspired by subclasses of inflection given in roberts and Bresnan (2008), it becomes evident that inherent inflection (i.e. tAM) is far more stable in Ache than so-called contextual inflection (i.e. person, case); a characteristic result of contact induced grammar change. thus, this study of inflectional restructuring contributes strong evidence for the long-standing hypothesis that Ache is a tG contact language (dietrich, 1990; rodrigues, 2000; rößler, 2008).Keywords: Morphosyntax. inflection. Grammatical Change. Language Contact. Ache. tupí-Guaraní.Resumo: Este artigo lida com mudanças gramaticais em achê, focando na morfologia de flexão. Achê contém paradigmas funcionais restritos quando comparado com outras línguas tupi-guarani. Embora a erosão de flexão seja atestada como desenvolvimento histórico linear neste contexto genético; o grau de erosão de flexão observada em achê é excepcional. Achê carece de todos os prefixos de línguas tG, consequentemente, os processos ligados ao concordância, como efeitos de hierarquia de pessoa, não são encontrados. Enclíticos do achê, principalmente a marcação de tempo-aspecto-modo (tAM) parecem ser mais semelhante a outras línguas tG. no entanto, a partir de estudos mais detalhados, encontra-se também reestruturações consideráveis nos sistema de tAM. Além de descrever padrões de erosão e de retenção de flexão, mostra-se como o achê lida com re-estruturações funcionais, gerando padrões sintáticos e itens lexicais novos. inspirado pelas subclasses de flexão dada em roberts e Bresnan (2008), torna-se evidente que flexão inerente (ou seja, tAM) é mais estável em achê do que flexão contextual (pessoa, caso); o que constata um resultado característico de mudança gramatical induzida por contato. Assim, este estudo sobre reestruturação flexional contribui novas evidência a favor da hipótese que Ache é uma lingua tG de contato (dietrich, 1990; rodrigues, 2000; rößler, 2008

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confidence: 87%

Section: Inflectional Erosion and Retentionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Inflectional Erosion and Retentionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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confidence: 99%

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confidence: 99%

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