Revolution, Counterrevolution, and the Catholic Church in Chile

Sigmund, Paul E.

doi:10.1177/0002716286483001003

Cited by 21 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 4 publications

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“…Indeed, the temple allows visitors to enjoy a full view of the city and its surroundings. However, some users also questioned if the temple was a true representation of Chile, a traditionally Catholic nation-and Baha'i is an Iranian religion (Sigmund, 1986). For example, one user said: "Which of its faces [referring to the temple] represents Chile?…”

Section: Results: 2017 Social Media Campaign Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

A cocreational approach to nation branding: The case of Chile

Miño

Austin

2022

Public Relations Inquiry

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This case study examines Marca Chile’s nation branding campaign “Chile Que te Quiero” (Chile, I Really Love You). The campaign, that ran between 2016 and 2018, aimed to facilitate dialogue among Chileans around their shared national symbols, traditions, and cultural artifacts to cocreate meaning around their nation brand. In this article, we propose that professionals working in nation branding campaigns should act as facilitators of dialogue among different publics within a country to find points of convergence and divergence around what constitutes the identity of their nation. The key role of dialogue and cocreation of meaning within public relations scholarship is explored.

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Section: Results: 2017 Social Media Campaign Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

A cocreational approach to nation branding: The case of Chile

Miño

Austin

2022

Public Relations Inquiry

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“…This is not to say that the Catholic Church as such, led by the Archbishopric of Santiago, were sympathizers of Pinochet's dictatorship. Mostly, they were on the side of the victims of human rights violations, and provided a political space for critics of the military regime (Sigmund 1986). It was only natural that the military vicariate and the rest of the Church developed a tense relationship, if not one of conflict.…”

Section: Catholicism In the Chilean Militarymentioning

confidence: 99%

The Chilean Military after Antuco: Shortcomings of a Post-Secular Discourse

Bellolio

2020

Religions

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In their two hundred years of existence, the Chilean armed forces have had a close relationship with the Catholic faith, especially with a local version of the Virgin Mary (Virgen del Carmen), who is held as the patroness of the military. After its greatest tragedy in peacetime, when 44 soldiers—half of them Christian evangelicals—died buried in the snows of the Antuco volcano, the army and other branches of the military felt compelled to add Protestant chaplaincies to their repertoire of religious assistance, hitherto reserved for Catholics. This has been understood as a move towards a more egalitarian and inclusive understanding of religious freedom, but also as opposing exclusivist versions of liberal neutrality, in which the state fulfils its duty by taking religion out of the public sphere altogether. According to the times’ intellectual climate, the Chilean authorities have been framing these developments—not only in the military, but elsewhere—as the embodiment of a post-secular strategy, in which religion (all religion) should be welcomed back into public life and state institutions. This article presents five concerns with this chosen strategy: (a) whether inclusive secularism is a practical impossibility, since there is no way to accommodate all religious and non-religious expressions; (b) whether a post-secular narrative is adequate for states that that have not gone through the previous (secular) phase; (c) whether post-secular institutional arrangements—which entail welcoming religion in the public sphere—are adequate in countries without religious pluralism; (d) whether post-secular institutional arrangements—which entail welcoming religion in the public sphere—are not actually disparaging for non-religious people; (e) whether sponsored religious expressions and practices within public institutions put undue pressure on dissenters. This way, I offer the case of the Chilean armed forces as a proxy to illuminate the normative problems that an incipient process of growing religious pluralism and a move towards religious egalitarianism, framed as a post-secular discourse, faces in hegemonically Catholic countries.

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“…These support institutions hardly shared the radical agenda of the earlier movement. While the Church played an important role in documenting human rights abuses and supporting soup kitchens in poor settlements during the dictatorship, the ecclesiastical hierarchy opposed liberation-theology-inspired elements and did not oppose the coup (Sigmund, 1986). At the same time, foreign-funded NGOs supported organized survival strategies of the poor but with few exceptions largely divorced this work from critiques of the free-market policies that made such strategies necessary (Petras, 1997).…”

Section: Resource Access and The New Heteronomy Of The Local Organizamentioning

confidence: 99%

Deepening Demobilization: The State’s Transformation of Civil Society in the Poblaciones of Santiago, Chile

Koppelman¹

2016

Latin American Perspectives

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Since Chile’s transition to an electoral regime in 1990, the demobilization of local organizations in Santiago’s poor and working-class neighborhoods, known as poblaciones, presents a puzzle, given the continuation of the neoliberal socioeconomic program that urban popular sectors mobilized against under the dictatorship. Ethnographic and interview data from two districts in southern Santiago reveal that the posttransition period has been characterized by increased state domination of local organizations in Santiago’s poor communities. By virtue of their dependence on material resources, local organizations have become extensions of the local state, engaged in service provision rather than contentious claims making. At the same time, the extension of state control has been masked through reinforcement in official discourse of the symbolic boundaries between state and society. This shifting and blurring of the state–civil-society boundary contributes to the deepening of the political demobilization of popular organizations. Desde la transición a un régimen electoral en Chile en 1990, la desmovilización de las organizaciones locales en los vecindarios pobres y de clase trabajadora de Santiago, conocidos como poblaciones, presenta un enigma, dada la continuación del programa socioeconómico neoliberal contra el cual los sectores urbanos populares se movilizaron durante la dictadura. Algunos datos etnográficos y de entrevistas recogidos en dos distritos del sur de Santiago revelan que el periodo posterior a la transición se ha caracterizado por un aumento en el control del Estado sobre las organizaciones locales en las comunidades pobres de Santiago. Debido a su dependencia de los recursos materiales, las organizaciones locales se han convertido en extensiones del estado local, dedicadas a la prestación de servicios en lugar de luchar por las reinvindicaciones de la comunidad. Al mismo tiempo, la ampliación del control estatal ha sido disfrazada por el fortalecimiento de las fronteras simbólicas entre el estado y la sociedad en el discurso oficial. Esta estrategia contribuye a profundizar la desmovilización política de las organizaciones populares.

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Revolution, Counterrevolution, and the Catholic Church in Chile

Cited by 21 publications

References 4 publications

A cocreational approach to nation branding: The case of Chile

A cocreational approach to nation branding: The case of Chile

The Chilean Military after Antuco: Shortcomings of a Post-Secular Discourse

Deepening Demobilization: The State’s Transformation of Civil Society in the Poblaciones of Santiago, Chile

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