Right-to-Work Laws, Unionization, and Wage Setting

Fortin, Nicole M.; Lemieux, Thomas; Lloyd, N. S.

doi:10.3386/w30098

Cited by 7 publications

(7 citation statements)

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“…Fortin et al benefits from their use of microdata, allowing the researchers to examine heterogeneity in RTW impact across industries with different union densities. They find that RTW had its largest impact on high-unionization industries, supporting the internal validity of their differential exposure design and providing some insight on state characteristics that could affect the magnitude of RTW's impact (Fortin et al 2022).…”

Section: Other Literaturementioning

confidence: 77%

“…5). Most of the states that passed RTW after 2000 passed it immediately after Republicans took control of the state legislature, the state senate, and the governorship, giving them the ability to pass legislation without any approval from state-elected Democrats (Fortin et al 2022). This is not surprising considering organized labor in the US has staunchly opposed RTW efforts, especially in recent years.…”

Section: Right-to-work (Rtw)mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Very recently, Nicole Fortin, Neil Lloyd, and Thomas Lemieux began investigating the effects of RTW with more rigorous empirical methodologies. Fortin et al (2022) focuses on five states that have adopted RTW since 2011. In their working paper "Right-to-Work Laws, Unionization, and Wage Setting," they use an Event Study design paired with a Difference-in-Difference analysis, then confirm their findings using industry unionization rates by state as a measure of differential exposure to RTW.…”

Section: Other Literaturementioning

confidence: 99%

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Policy Brief: Right-to-Work Legislation 1947—Present in the United States

Whitaker

2022

UCL Journal of Economics

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Union membership rates have been declining in the US since around 1950. After Congress allowed states to pass Right-to-Work (RTW) laws in 1947, 27 states have enacted legislation that outlaws the requirement of joining a union as a condition of employment. Existing research suggests that these RTW laws increase the free-rider problem for union organizations and reduce union membership, therefore decreasing union bargaining power and both union and nonunion wage rates. The value of unions in the US labor market is not the focus of this brief, although I give some background on that issue as motivation. Past literature has yielded suggestive results, but more recent literature employs modern research designs that plausibly conclude RTW diminishes union membership and union power in states after it is enacted.

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Section: Other Literaturementioning

confidence: 77%

Section: Right-to-work (Rtw)mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Other Literaturementioning

confidence: 99%

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Policy Brief: Right-to-Work Legislation 1947—Present in the United States

Whitaker

2022

UCL Journal of Economics

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“…Finally, it may also be the case that the full impact of AI technologies on employment levels has not been felt due to the immaturity of AI technologies thus far. Recent research that explored AI technologies through case studies of two firms in Germany found no impact on employment levels (Fleck, Graus and Klinger, 2022 [17]). At the same time, the workers using one of the technologies, in particularconversational AI with an intelligent search engine and chatbot functionwere underwhelmed by its performance.…”

Section: Related Literaturementioning

confidence: 99%

“…This paper uses a dataset of job vacancies to study the changing skill demands of establishments that hire workers with AI skills, where the set of job vacancies is based on an AI skill taxonomy developed by the data firm Lightcast. 17 The skills and keywords in the AI skill taxonomy includes computational linguistics, computer vision, decision trees, deep learning, machine learning, neural networks, recommender systems (see Table A1 of the paper, which enumerates the full list). Definition of a set of AI skills makes it possible to then analyse the set of occupations affected by demand for AI skills.…”

Section: Related Literaturementioning

confidence: 99%

The Impact of AI on the Workplace: Evidence from OECD Case Studies of AI Implementation

2023

OECD Social, Employment and Migration Working Papers

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2  DELSA/ELSA/WD/SEM(2023)7 Unclassified OECD Social, Employment and Migration Working Papers www.oecd.org/els/workingpapers OECD Working Papers should not be reported as representing the official views of the OECD or of its member countries. The opinions expressed and arguments employed are those of the author(s).Working Papers describe preliminary results or research in progress by the author(s) and are published to stimulate discussion on a broad range of issues on which the OECD works. Comments on Working Papers are welcomed, and may be sent to

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Populist Backlash and Trade Agreements in North America: The Prospects for Progressive Trade

Finbow

2023

PaG

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Populist rejection of the embedded liberal international order is evident in many Western democracies. This is partly attributable to the architects of this system, who over-promised widespread benefits while ignoring warnings from labour and fair-trade advocates about risks to economic security from transnational economic competition. This article contrasts Canadian and American conservative populist positions on free trade. Globalisation and free trade without consideration for fair trade weakened the embedded liberal compromise and undermined the Keynesian welfare state model which sustained it. While regional free trade agreements like the North American Free Trade Agreement have had marginal negative effects, they became convenient scapegoats in a strategy of “othering” adopted by Trump and other populists. Populism arose in part in response to middle- and working-class decline (alongside cultural changes and revitalised nativism), which eroded support for embedded liberalism. The heretofore pro-trade GOP followed Trump to a more protectionist and bilateral model to press for “America first,” tinged by nativist othering towards Mexico and China. This diverged from Canadian right-populist leaders, whose rhetoric generally supports freer trade despite scepticism among some supporters. Asymmetrical circumstances of the US as a global economic hegemon vs. Canada as trade-dependent middle power limits the feasibility of a protectionist, “Canada first” position while particularities of political and electoral systems create more room for nativism in the US. Polling results indicate support for free trade in both nations, with a priority for labour and social protections, which provides the potential for further engagement in progressive trade liberalisation. Hence a significant percentage of the population supports “fair-trade” approaches, not protectionism. However, many conservative politicians eschew fair-trade positions and endorse anti-labour policies. Despite gains such as the labour provisions in the Canada–US–Mexico Agreement, a right-populist alliance with fair-trade advocates and labour unions is unsustainable and would entail compromises like climate denial, anti-immigrant, and anti-equity approaches which hinder the pursuit of progressive multilateral trading regimes.

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Right-to-Work Laws, Unionization, and Wage Setting

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Cited by 7 publications

References 0 publications

Policy Brief: Right-to-Work Legislation 1947—Present in the United States

Policy Brief: Right-to-Work Legislation 1947—Present in the United States

The Impact of AI on the Workplace: Evidence from OECD Case Studies of AI Implementation

Populist Backlash and Trade Agreements in North America: The Prospects for Progressive Trade

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