Robert W. Cox and Critical Theory of International Relations

Moolakkattu, John S.

doi:10.1177/002088171004600404

Cited by 23 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…His reflexion is reminiscent of the ideas of the school of critical theory in International Relations (cf. Moolakkattu 2009 ). They focused on the emergence of hubs of governance which combine inter- and transnational regulations, public–private regimes, the forms of private governance and self-regulation, constituting a new form of global polity (Cox 1994 ; Ougaard 1999 ).…”

Section: Globalisation Economy and Populismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Backlash Against Globalisation and the Shadow of Phobos

Rewizorski

2020

Fudan J. Hum. Soc. Sci.

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This article addresses challenges to the established international order. Its critique becomes particularly discernible at the domestic level, where political and economic frameworks are contested by electorates and anti-establishment movements in Western countries, engulfed by anti-globalisation sentiments and disillusioned with the asymmetric formula of globalisation. Populism implies that the ‘social revolt’ facing the West today, regardless of whether it takes place in France, Greece, Hungary, Poland, the UK or the USA, is not a legitimate response to deep-seated problems but rather is the problem itself. The main aims of this article are to investigate what has caused this surge of support for populism in the West; what the role of the default system of economic governance is in inspiring populist resentment; and, finally, what the identity crisis, stemming from ‘hyperglobalisation’, and wrecking the social order in Western societies has to do with fear, (un)fairness and the redistributive effects of economic globalisation.

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Section: Globalisation Economy and Populismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Backlash Against Globalisation and the Shadow of Phobos

Rewizorski

2020

Fudan J. Hum. Soc. Sci.

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“…With the increasing internationalization of production, the source of hegemony cannot be located in a dominant state. We are witnessing the emergence of a transnational class which consists of ‘not only the executives of transnational corporations and international agencies, but also those who manage these internationally oriented sectors within countries such as Finance Ministry officials and local managers linked to the international production systems’ (Moolakattu, 2009, p. 450). This transnational class, which plays a vital role in the matters of global governance ranging from international finance to climate change, forms a part of the social structure of neoliberal globalization.…”

Section: Problem-solving Versus Critical Theory In Climate Politicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Climate Change and Order: Mapping the Scope of International Relations in Studying Climate Politics

Sharma

2020

International Studies

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As globalization gained currency in international politics, multilateral negotiations increasingly expanded their scope to include environmental issues. Still, the political dimension of environmental change remains underrepresented in international relations (IR) theorization. This article aims to focus on the theoretical fortification in the mainstream IR when it comes to transboundary environmental threats. Since the threats of climate change and environmental degradation cannot be contained within the sovereign territories of states, the state-centric conception of the political order in the conventional approaches to IR fails to respond to the threats that are planetary in nature. The article seeks to answer two questions: (a) What are the inadequacies in the realist and liberal concepts of political order vis-à-vis climate change? (b) How to destabilize the conventional assumptions of political order with the aim of making it more receptive to the concerns associated with climate change? To do the latter, the article delves into the work of Robert Cox in order to delineate his intersubjective approach, which combines the material basis of political order with social relations of production. By doing so, this approach also sheds light on the transnational variants of hegemonic power, making it a useful explanatory framework for political implications of climate change.

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“…Yet, in the post-war period its attempt to expand its mandate was frustrated, and ILO remained stagnated until the 1990s, when it entered a new phase to respond to the changes triggered by economic globalisation and the transformations in labour markets. Robert Cox, a leading international relations, and IPE scholar who worked at the ILO for about 25 years, has elaborated about the role of international institutions and the ILO in his 'critical theory' approach (Cox 1977;Cox et al 1973;Moolakkattu 2009). In an interview in 2009, he summarised his view on ILO in the following terms: I left the ILO in the 1970s for personal reasons.…”

Section: Case Study: the International Labour Organizationmentioning

confidence: 99%