2012
DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2012.644991
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Rousseau and the tensions of France'sContrat d'Accueil et d'Intégration

Abstract: The Contrat d'Accueil et d'Intégration is the keystone of France's revamped immigration paradigm aimed at integrating immigrants into French society and fostering social cohesion through adherence to a Rousseauian social contract. Because the use of the social contract as an immigration tool taps into an ideal (and thus flawed) philosophical tradition, it is important to move beyond the procedural mechanism and political implications to probe the deeper philosophical issues raised by grafting a Rousseauian soc… Show more

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Cited by 5 publications
(3 citation statements)
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“…None of these perspectives would thus allow us to see what we discovered in the previous section: that this stance could, somewhat unexpectedly, qualify as a conception of national identity in line with liberal nationalism, as long as the defenders of the ban were also willing to include Muslim voices in the public deliberation about the national identity, and to acknowledge the need to publically justify a potential ban to them as well. 9 Second, consider the French immigration contract that was made mandatory in 2006, as an explicit measure towards strengthening the national identity, and which suggests, at least on some interpretations, that a French citizen should revere the values of the French revolution of 1789 (Brunstetter, 2012). Since these values are often described as liberal and universal, Laegaard would probably call this a nationalisation of liberal values, and Mouritsen and Olsen a particularly French version of liberalism.…”
Section: Concluding Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…None of these perspectives would thus allow us to see what we discovered in the previous section: that this stance could, somewhat unexpectedly, qualify as a conception of national identity in line with liberal nationalism, as long as the defenders of the ban were also willing to include Muslim voices in the public deliberation about the national identity, and to acknowledge the need to publically justify a potential ban to them as well. 9 Second, consider the French immigration contract that was made mandatory in 2006, as an explicit measure towards strengthening the national identity, and which suggests, at least on some interpretations, that a French citizen should revere the values of the French revolution of 1789 (Brunstetter, 2012). Since these values are often described as liberal and universal, Laegaard would probably call this a nationalisation of liberal values, and Mouritsen and Olsen a particularly French version of liberalism.…”
Section: Concluding Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Second, consider the French immigration contract that was made mandatory in 2006, as an explicit measure towards strengthening the national identity, and which suggests, at least on some interpretations, that a French citizen should revere the values of the French revolution of 1789 (Brunstetter, 2012). Since these values are often described as liberal and universal, Laegaard would probably call this a nationalisation of liberal values, and Mouritsen and Olsen a particularly French version of liberalism.…”
Section: Concluding Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…But the objective and legalistic rhetoric of tests veils this moralization. The French case of the 'Republican Integration Contract' epitomizes this well (Boudou, 2018: 126-131;Boudou and Busekist, 2018;Brunstetter, 2012). Since such a contract cannot bind the state, and because foreigners who sign the contract cannot avoid subsequent arbitrary assessments of their 'proper' integration, this contract functions more like a symbolic oath.…”
Section: Politeness and Politicsmentioning
confidence: 99%