Russia and the New States of Eurasia

Dawisha, Karen

doi:10.1017/cbo9780511628337

Cited by 92 publications

(8 citation statements)

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“…Moreover, as said above, Turkey has failed in its mentoring of big brother policies through the refusal of the Republics themselves, which has forced Turkey to leave Central Asia to the Russian influence. Russia, of course, was historically the more important actor in Central Asian politics, culture and the economy 67 . However, this does not mean that Central Asian ex-Soviet Republics will stop being a field of conflict between Russia and Turkey in the future.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Economic Pull Factors versus Political Push Factors: A Descriptive Analysis of Multidimensional Relations between Russia and Turkey

Çanci

2017

European Review

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This article analyses the economic cooperation and political disagreements between Russia and Turkey, focusing on the Putin–Erdogan (2003–2014) period. The analysis depends therefore on economic, socio-cultural, military and political dimensions of the relations between the two neighbouring countries. The article aims to contribute to efforts that try to comprehend the past, present, and future of Russian–Turkish relations. It can be mentioned that Russian–Turkish relations have both positive and negative aspects, and the crucial questions in this respect are: Will the pragmatism stimulated by economic expectations be sufficient to ignore political paradoxes? Are further political relations, such as strategic alliances and/or partnerships, possible between these two countries?

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Economic Pull Factors versus Political Push Factors: A Descriptive Analysis of Multidimensional Relations between Russia and Turkey

Çanci

2017

European Review

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“…Thus, when the Germans invaded in 1941, many Ukrainians greeted them as liberators. About 220,000 Ukrainians fought with the German armies (Dawisha and Parrott 1994), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army continued fighting the Soviets until 1953. At the end ofthe war, thousands were punished for supposed collaboration, including whole ethnic groups such as the Crimean Tatars (who were deported en mass to Siberia).…”

Section: Interdependence and Identity In Ukraine And Belarus 619mentioning

confidence: 99%

Interdependence and National Identity in Ukraine and Belarus

Nordberg

1997

Southeastern Political Review

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When theSoviet Union collapsed in 1991, its constituent republics suddenly found themselves to be independent states. However, Russia continues to exert influence on these states through interdependent economies and revanchist policies. Some states see their sovereignty being threatened by this, andresist. Others see the possibility for gain and encourage increased cooperation with Russia. This paper explores the causes for this diflerence in behavior. Two of these states that are moving in opposite directions in regard to Russia-Ukraine and Belarus-re examined. It is found that in light of the high level of asymmetrical interdependence found between these states and Russia, national identity can be used to explain why Ukraine and Belarus either associate or dissociate in regard to the Commonwealth of Independent States, the energy trade, and nuclear weapons.

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“…In one case, the former vice president, Aleksendr Rutskoy claimed that "the demarcation of borders, and nothing but the demarcation of borders...will define Russia as a power." 84 Any of these social catalysts by themselves, however, may not necessarily be sufficient to create the next LIC.…”

Section: IIImentioning

confidence: 99%

Afghanistan and Chechnya: Low Intensity Preludes to Another Revolution

Smith¹

1997

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Thesis:The thesis proposes that the Russian LIC experiences in Afghanistan and Chechnya have accelerated dynamic conditions that are contributors to both the demise of the USSR and the detriment of the new Russian state. The negative effect of these LIC engagements has increased the potential for future Russian LIC that may precipitate a larger Eurasian conflict.Discussion: This paper explores the impact of the LIC experiences in Afghanistan and Chechnya on the transformation of the Russian State. It begins with a historical review that analyzes invasion motives and the subsequent impact on the people, the government and the Russian military.The analysis of the recent post-Soviet era reveals that the Russian transformation consists of three smaller transitions: from dictatorship to democracy, from empire to nation state, and from a controlled to a free-market economy. The Russian people, the government, and the military institution have vastly different roles in each of these transitions. This paper focuses on the dynamics in Russian civil-military relations, the changing perspectives of Russian military doctrine and implications for future LIC on the transformation of the Russian State.While the Afghan and Chechen conflicts have many similarities, they also have many differences. In many ways, the Afghan experience represents the transition from the Soviet past and the Chechen War represents a view of Russia's future. While the withdrawal from Afghanistan served to enhance future hopes, Chechnya quickly reminded the people of the fragile nature of the democratic transition. Conclusions:For the Russian government, the transformation from empire to nation state requires a new perspective on the use of military force. Future LIC involvement within Russian borders presents a significant threat as the Russian military bears the burden of dealing with the disproportionate and asymmetrical effects of LIC.The relative decline of the Russian economy is inextricably interwoven into the problems facing the people, the government, and the military establishment. A solid economic foundation is one of the most effective means of deterring future Russian LIC.The recent LIC experiences can provide valuable future lessons to both Russia and the larger global community. A failure to seek out and understand the LIC lessons may enhance the prospects for another Russian Revolution that would certainly affect Europe, Asia and much of the world into the 21st century--history would be allowed to repeat itself Report Documentation Page Public reporting burden for the collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations...

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Russia and the New States of Eurasia

Cited by 92 publications

References 0 publications

Economic Pull Factors versus Political Push Factors: A Descriptive Analysis of Multidimensional Relations between Russia and Turkey

Economic Pull Factors versus Political Push Factors: A Descriptive Analysis of Multidimensional Relations between Russia and Turkey

Interdependence and National Identity in Ukraine and Belarus

Afghanistan and Chechnya: Low Intensity Preludes to Another Revolution

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