Security, the War on Terror, and official development assistance

Aning, Kwesi

doi:10.1080/17539151003594178

Cited by 24 publications

(24 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…In view of counterterrorism policies, the paper investigates the role of development assistance and USAID for counterterrorism policies in pre-and post-9/11 periods. The study joins the strand of previous researchers (Anand, 2017;Aning, 2010;Bagchi & Paul, 2018;Cassidy, 2010;Nasir et al, 2012).…”

Section: Re Vie W Of Pre VI Ous Liter Aturementioning

confidence: 67%

“…However, the post‐9/11 coefficient of development assistance is significantly negative because it is reasonably helpful to fight against terrorism. Therefore, it has deviated from welfare and economic aims to war against terrorism (Aning, ). This result confirms that development assistance works to eradicate terrorism through military operation.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The disbursement of aid is a critical factor in making the foreign policy interest of donor countries, and the immediate post‐9/11 conceptions were primarily geared toward counterterrorism efforts. Recently, the concept has shifted toward the elimination of poverty and unemployment in recipient countries, which might help to prevent war in Pakistan, Algeria, Afghanistan, and Yemen (Aning, ). Meanwhile, after the 9/11 incident, it has increasingly obvious that the growing conceptual and operational shifts in official development assistance (ODA) result in ODA payments for the WOT.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Impacts of USAID and development assistance toward counterterrorism efforts: Empirical evidence in context of Pakistan

Shahzad

Farooq

Qin

2019

Asian Soc Wrk & Pol Rev

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This article studies whether the pursuit of foreign aid for counterterrorism purposes militarizes or mitigates terrorism. It focuses on the USAID and official development assistance (ODA) flows to Pakistan, which recently has experienced an increase due to the presence of deadliest terrorist organizations. By using the time series data from 1985 to 2016, the paper investigated the foreign aid and terrorism nexus for pre‐9/11 and post‐9/11 periods. The empirical estimations of autoregressive distributed lag bound testing approach reported that an increase in military expenditures fuels terrorism in post‐9/11 period and the ODA helps to control terrorism from the country. On the contrary, USAID reported insignificant response toward terrorist attacks in pre‐ and post‐9/11 periods, suggesting that the foreign aid from the United States has no significant impact on counterterrorism policies for Pakistan. The outcomes of the current study can be utilized in policymaking of counterterrorism and to explore the nexus between foreign aid, terrorism, and military expenditures. The paper concludes that the concerns about the use of foreign aid as counterterrorism tool are warranted, but that actual manifestations are nuanced.

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Section: Re Vie W Of Pre VI Ous Liter Aturementioning

confidence: 67%

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Impacts of USAID and development assistance toward counterterrorism efforts: Empirical evidence in context of Pakistan

Shahzad

Farooq

Qin

2019

Asian Soc Wrk & Pol Rev

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“…Their concern was not unfounded with studies indicating that development aid was being recalibrated to fit the goals of the Global War on Terror. 67 As such, the MFA sought to keep Mali out of the remit of the intelligence community. In the Netherlands, foreign intelligence operations are conducted by the two intelligence agencies, the general intelligence and security service (AIVD) and the military intelligence and security service (MIVD).…”

Section: The Dutch Perspectivementioning

confidence: 99%

The Unforeseen 2012 Crisis in Mali: The Diverging Outcomes of Risk and Threat Analyses

Boeke

Valk

2019

Studies in Conflict & Terrorism

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The 2012 crisis in Mali, where the state collapsed and terrorist groups took over the north, came as a surprise to many. Mali had been considered a poster-child for democracy and was judged as considerably more stable than its neighbors by leading quantitative indices of state fragility. This article explores how quantitative risk and qualitative threat approaches led to incomplete analyses, and how bureaucratic processes stifled a holistic diagnosis of the situation in Mali. French and Dutch government views are analyzed, adding new empirical information on how ministries and embassies were unwilling to call out disconcerting developments in Mali.

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“…Second, to go back to the question of the relationships between development and security concerns, following 9/11, many commentators have noted that both bilateral and multilateral aid providers are now using their aid spending as part of a strategy to make the world more secure for themselves (Aning 2007). This need to feel secure often implies greater rather than less control, not only in relation to volatile states but also in relation to individuals and communities (Huysmans 2006; Noxolo and Huysmans 2009).…”

Section: The ‘Post‐bureaucratic Age’: Tighter Control Over Less?mentioning

confidence: 99%

One world, big society: a discursive analysis of the Conservative green paper for international development

Noxolo¹

2011

Geographical Journal

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This article offers a discursive analysis of the Conservative green paper for international development, published as part of the closely fought election campaign of 2010 that culminated in a UK coalition government with the Liberal Democrats. The article examines the paper in comparison with the discursive shifts represented by the first Department for International Development (DfID) white paper, published by the outgoing Labour administration in 1997. In contrast with the optimistic and globalist developmentalism that characterised Labour's development discourse, the green paper sounds a more cautious note, using empire to focus on Britain's leadership role in poverty alleviation rather than on global progress, and brings back the full force of developmentalism only at the point where it seeks to legitimate spending on security concerns as a development concern. The article then moves on to examine the green paper's most explicit discursive move, the signalling of a ‘post‐bureaucratic age’. This move towards increased information provision to promote transparency and accountability is likely to signal greater control by powerful donors in securitised times, albeit with a potential re‐scaling of responsibility for poverty alleviation to the poorest local communities. Finally, the article looks briefly at information technologies in relation to the transnational spatiality of civil society, arguing that attention needs to be paid to the more embodied forms of transnational association encouraged by the green paper, and to the selection and impacts of information, which need to be seen in the discursive context of wider Conservative constructions of the ‘big society’.

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Security, the War on Terror, and official development assistance

Cited by 24 publications

References 6 publications

Impacts of USAID and development assistance toward counterterrorism efforts: Empirical evidence in context of Pakistan

Impacts of USAID and development assistance toward counterterrorism efforts: Empirical evidence in context of Pakistan

The Unforeseen 2012 Crisis in Mali: The Diverging Outcomes of Risk and Threat Analyses

One world, big society: a discursive analysis of the Conservative green paper for international development

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