Self-Determination, Revolution, and Intervention

Buchanan, Allen

doi:10.1086/683639

Cited by 7 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 3 publications

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“…One appeals to a strong notion of group agency and claims that a community is self‐determining when its members develop “collective intentions,” whereby they adjust their conduct in response to each other's mutual expectation that these intentions are being collectively pursued by all the members (Stilz ; Moore ). Another model appeals to weaker forms of group agency which simply requires the existence of some deliberative process –for example, a voting system– that enables the agency of the individual members to be combined in such a way that the outcome of their collective deliberation can be said to be the expression of the agency of the community (List and Pettit ; Buchanan ; van der Vossen , 180–88).…”

Section: What Is Political Self‐determination?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It requires that the members of the political community must be “unified in certain ways” and “together constitute a unit, a collective self” (McMahan , 8). If all we have is a collection of individuals acting independently, what we witness is merely the sum of individual exercises of personal agency, rather than genuinely collective self‐determination (Applbaum , 375; Buchanan , 450–51)…”

Section: What Is Political Self‐determination?mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Revolution and Intervention

Renzo

2019

Nous

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Provided that traditional jus ad bellum principles are fulfilled, military humanitarian intervention to stop large scale violations of human rights (such as genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes) is widely regarded as morally permissible. In cases of “supreme humanitarian emergency”, not only are the victims morally permitted to rebel, but other states are also permitted to militarily intervene. Things are different if the human rights violations in question fall short of supreme humanitarian emergency. Because of the importance of respecting political self‐determination, in cases of “ordinary oppression”, we normally think that rebellion might be permissible, but not military humanitarian intervention. Thus, according to the received view, the conditions for the permissibility of intervention coincide with the conditions for the permissibility of revolution in cases of supreme humanitarian emergency, but not in cases of ordinary oppression. In cases of ordinary oppression there is an asymmetry between the conditions for the permissibility of revolution and intervention (call this the Asymmetry View). Should we accept the Asymmetry View? I answer this question by outlining an account of political self‐determination and by illustrating the complex role that this notion should play in discussing the morality of revolution and intervention.

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Section: What Is Political Self‐determination?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: What Is Political Self‐determination?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Revolution and Intervention

Renzo

2019

Nous

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“…Revolutions are extremely complex historical and political phenomena whose philosophical evaluation may be approached from a number of different angles (Smith 2008;Buchanan 2013Buchanan , 2016Parry 2018). Here I focus on a particular type of revolution which raises specific moral challenges, i.e.…”

Section: Revolution As Defence Against Oppressionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Revolution Against Non-violent Oppression

Kapelner¹

2019

Res Publica

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Oppressive governments that use violence against citizens, e.g. murder and torture, are usually thought of as liable to armed revolutionary attack by the oppressed population. But oppression may be non-violent. A government may greatly restrict political rights and personal autonomy by using surveillance, propaganda, manipulation, strategic detention and similar techniques without ever resorting to overt violence. Can such regimes be liable to revolutionary attack? A widespread view is that the answer is 'no'. On this view, unless a government is or is likely to turn violent, revolution against it is disproportional. After all, revolution would involve launching potentially lethal attacks against oppressors who do not threaten the lives and bodily integrity of their subjects but pose only lesser threats. I argue that this claim of disproportionality is false. Armed revolution against Stably Non-violent Oppressive Regimes (which are neither violent, nor are likely to become violent) can be proportional under some circumstances, thus they may be liable to revolutionary attack. My argument relies on the Responsibility-Sensitive Account of Proportionality. This account holds that responsibility for posing threats renders agents liable to greater defensive harms than the harms with which they threaten. Even if non-violent oppressive regimes do not threaten citizens with murder, serious physical injury, or enslavement, their responsibility for creating an environment in which citizens' political rights and personal autonomy are extremely restricted may loosen the proportionality requirement of inflicting defensive harm and render them liable to revolutionary attack. Oppression comes in many shapes and sizes. States that subject their citizens to violent oppression, e.g. torture, murder and enslavement, commit an especially grave moral wrong, and are usually regarded as liable to armed revolutionary attack by the oppressed citizens. But what if a state uses non-violent, yet still oppressive means to restrict citizens' ability to exercise their rights and lead autonomous lives-e.g.

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“…They must also be legitimate, so that citizens’ affirmation is ‘authentic’ and not corrupted by authoritarian institutions (Buchanan, 2016; Stilz, 2017). Lastly, in order to be self-determining, citizens’ actions must be coordinated in such a way that decisions can be attributed to the whole group (Buchanan, 2016: 453). The following section will discuss how admitting refugees may constitute a cost to these conditions of collective self-determination.…”

Section: Costs Of Refugee Admissionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…What is necessary for collective self-determination in this sense to come about? Many recent accounts have suggested that collective self-determination requires collective agency (Buchanan, 2016;Moore, 2015;Stilz, 2017). In essence, collective agency consists of the ability of a group to form we-intentions and to act upon them.…”

Section: The Capacity For Collective Self-determinationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Costs of refugee admission and the ethics of extraterritorial protection

Sandelind

2017

European Journal of Political Theory

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Many affluent states seek to discharge their responsibilities to refugees through extraterritorial policies, which limit the number of refugees that they admit whilst contributing to protection in a third country. Is this morally permissible? I argue that under non-ideal circumstances, where states’ non-compliance with their duties to refugees are persistent, such policies can be permissible. However, extraterritorial protection must satisfy two conditions. First, it must come about through bilateral or multilateral agreements. Second, the protection provided must allow for full integration in a new society. I argue that the lower the costs a state bears for admitting refugees to its territory, the higher its contribution to extraterritorial protection must be. This notion of costs is illustrated by exemplifying how refugee admission may impose costs to the self-determination and equality of the hosting state.

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Self-Determination, Revolution, and Intervention

Cited by 7 publications

References 3 publications

Revolution and Intervention

Revolution and Intervention

Revolution Against Non-violent Oppression

Costs of refugee admission and the ethics of extraterritorial protection

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