Self-Interest versus Racial Attitudes as Correlates of Anti-Busing Attitudes in Louisville: Is it The Buses or the Blacks?

McConahay, John B.

doi:10.2307/2130514

Cited by 195 publications

(123 citation statements)

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“…Kelley, 1974), although symbolic racism typically shows a considerably stronger link (McConahay, 1982). Similar patterns of results are also found in studies that examine the unique roles of old-fashioned and symbolic racism in support for equal opportunities for African-Americans and for race-based policies such as affirmative action (Sears et al, 1997;Williams et al, 1999).…”

mentioning

confidence: 56%

“…In such studies, typically conducted with White participants, self-interest is typically defined in terms of how likely a person, or that person's child, is to be directly affected by a desegregation busing plan. McConahay (1982) found a small but significant correlation between self-interest and opposition to busing among Whites. When racial attitudes were controlled, however, that relationship disappeared.…”

Section: Self-interest As An Explanation For Opposition To Implementamentioning

confidence: 84%

“…Numerous studies have found both old-fashioned and symbolic racism to be directly correlated with opposition to busing (Erbe, 1977;McConahay, 1982;Sears, Hensler, & Speer, 1979;Sears, Lau, Tyler, & Allen, 1980;cf. Kelley, 1974), although symbolic racism typically shows a considerably stronger link (McConahay, 1982).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Conundrum of School Desegregation: Positive Student Outcomes and Waning Support

Schofield¹,

Hausmann²

2004

lawreview

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The Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision was a landmark in many respects. Most importantly, it overturned the separate but equal doctrine embodied in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), laying the groundwork for massive change in our society. In particular, it laid the basis for dismantling state supported racial segregation in education, housing, and other important areas of life. For social scientists there is another, though less important, reason why the Brown decision was so crucial. It was the first case in which a Supreme Court decision specifically mentioned the input of social science experts (Cook, 1979). Although there is a lack of agreement about how important a role this input played, social scientists were buoyed by the fact that a statement signed by a large number of leading social scientists was cited.

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confidence: 56%

Section: Self-interest As An Explanation For Opposition To Implementamentioning

confidence: 84%

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The Conundrum of School Desegregation: Positive Student Outcomes and Waning Support

Schofield¹,

Hausmann²

2004

lawreview

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“…When people do not have a lot of information about something-such as subsidized housing-they rely on cognitive shortcuts to make decisions (Lippmann 1922;McConahay 1982;Sears et al 1997). A lack of information creates the need to infer from limited knowledge.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Source of Income Discrimination and Fair Housing Policy

Tighe

Hatch

Mead

2016

Journal of Planning Literature

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The housing choice voucher program was designed with two main goals in mind: to eliminate concentrations of poverty and the social problems it causes and to provide poor households with greater access to higher-opportunity neighborhoods. However, research suggests that voucher holders would like to move to higher-opportunity neighborhoods, but often are unable to do so. One of the most prominent reasons for this is that, in most cities and states, local law allows landlords to discriminate against potential tenants on the grounds of their ''source of income'' (SOI). This article reviews the literature on discrimination of voucher recipients and the potential for SOI antidiscrimination laws to mitigate some of these negative outcomes.

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“…Specifically, many scholars have argued that race-based considerations are a significant motivating factor in the formation of the public opinions of white Americans on race-inspired policies, like affirmative action, welfare, and immigration (Bobo and Kluegel 1993;Gilens 1995Gilens , 1999Kinder and Sanders 1996;Kinder and Sears 1981;McConahay 1982;Sears, Hensler, and Speer 1979;Merollo, Ramarkishan, and Haynes 2013).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Call to (In)Action: The Effects of Racial Priming on Grassroots Mobilization

Hassell

Visalvanich

2015

Polit Behav

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Neil (2015) 'Call to (in)cction : the eects of racial priming on grassroots mobilization.', Political behavior., 39 (4). pp. 911-932. Further information on publisher's website:http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11109-014-9297-x Publisher's copyright statement:The nal publication is available at Springer via http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11109-014-9297-x Additional information: Use policyThe full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that:• a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders.Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. AbstractPrevious work on the effects of race on the political behaviors of white Americans is beset with two problems. First, much of the work on the effect of race has looked primarily at attitudes as opposed to political action around a policy. Second, studies of the relationship between race and policy have revolved around issues for which it is inherently difficult to separate the effects of racial prejudice from conservative ideology. To address these problems, we examine the willingness of individuals to write their member of Congress in support of a non-racial political cause, which we experimentally treat with racial cues. We also experimentally present a comparison with a non-racial but similar 'specialized' group, which allows us to distinguish concerns about race from concerns about specialized benefits objectionable to conservatives. We show that whites with higher levels of racial resentment are less likely to act politically in support of a policy perceived as benefiting ethnic and racial minorities.Keywords: Race, Priming, Political Participation, Grassroots Mobilization 1 How salient are racial cues in moving the attitudes and the political actions of the American public? In the realm of public opinion, scholars have found that how issues are framed in regards to race has a significant influence on the political attitudes of the electorate.Specifically, many scholars have argued that race-based considerations are a significant motivating factor in the formation of the public opinions of white Americans on race-inspired policies, like affirmative action, welfare, and immigration (Bobo and Kluegel 1993;Gilens 1995Gilens , 1999Kinder and Sanders 1996;Kinder and Sears 1981;McConahay 1982;Sears, Hensler, and Speer 1979; Merollo, Ramarkishan, and Haynes 2013).Another strand of the literature acknowledges that while race once played a significant role in the formation of white political attitudes, the effects of these racial cues are now largely contextual, dependent on the respondent and the context in which the cue is delivered. One of the central points of contention between these two strands of ...

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Self-Interest versus Racial Attitudes as Correlates of Anti-Busing Attitudes in Louisville: Is it The Buses or the Blacks?

Cited by 195 publications

References 0 publications

The Conundrum of School Desegregation: Positive Student Outcomes and Waning Support

The Conundrum of School Desegregation: Positive Student Outcomes and Waning Support

Source of Income Discrimination and Fair Housing Policy

Call to (In)Action: The Effects of Racial Priming on Grassroots Mobilization

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