1992) described hate as occurring on a spectrum that includes mild, intermediate, and severe forms.These multiple dimensions of hate are only one reason for its complex' ity. As Yanay (2002) observed: the entry of hatred into our daily speech does not help clarify the ways in which hatred works. The wide range of meanings and definitions, and the various contexts in which the concept of hatred is invoked only contribute to its opaqueness, (p. 53) Perhaps because of hate's complexity, opacity, and range of manifestations and the diverse dimensions that define it, psychological research has tended to narrow its focus on particular kinds of hate. Psychology has, for example, scholarship on the expression of hate in hate crimes (cf. Boeckmann & Turpin-Petrosino, 2002;Cogan & Marcus-Newhall, 2002; Herek & Berrill, 1992); on its psychoanalytic sources and implications for treatment (Akhtar, Kramer, & Parens, 1995); hate among particular categories of people, such as children (Varma, 1993); and hate at a particular level of analysis, such as interpersonal hate (Goldberg, 1993) and mass hate (Kressel, 1996). As a result, the field of psychology rarely considers hate as a construct with breadth and depth and, as Sternberg (chap. 2, this volume) observes, it has generated few theories of hate. In support of his observation, psychological and social science dictionaries and encyclopedias rarely have entries for hate and jump from "handedness" or "hallucination" to "Hawthorne Effect," "health psychology," or "Fritz Heider" (but see Schoenewolf, 1994). Thus, the psychological study of hate has a curious centrifugality that deals with particular manifestations of hate, but offers few cross-contextual analyses that examine the core meaning of hate across contexts.Agreeing with Kernberg's (1992) contention that mild, intermediate, and severe hate are different aspects of a unified construct, this chapter explores hate as a coherent construct that includes milder and more severe manifestations. Because I am particularly concerned with the potential of hate to foster extreme violence, I see hate as more than the emotions and cognitions that ordinarily describe it. 1 suspect that when hate becomes destructive, morals are likely to act as an accelerant, particularly moral justifications for harm doing, or moral exclusion (cf. Opotow, 1990). The first section of this chapter defines hate, moral exclusion, and their interaction. The second section uses data from interviews with middle school students and published accounts of hate radio in Rwanda to describe hate in mild and severe contexts. The third section considers the psychology of resisting hate. It does so by considering two exemplars, a middle school student and a Rwandan man, who both resisted hate when it was supported by the social context. The final section reflects on the implications of these data for the psychology of hate.
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SUSAN OPOTOWCopyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.
HATEWebster's Dictionary (Gove, 1981) defines hate...