2017
DOI: 10.1177/0967010617717620
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Simulating, marketing, and playing war: US–Jordanian military collaboration and the politics of commercial security

Abstract: The King Abdullah II Special Operations Training Center (KASOTC) was financed and established by the US Department of Defense, is operated by a US private business, and is owned by the Jordanian army. It not only offers a base for the training of international Special Forces and Jordanian border guards, but also for military adventure holidays, corporate leadership programs, and stunt training for actors. This article provides an analysis of the processes and technologies involved in US–Jordanian military coll… Show more

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Cited by 17 publications
(7 citation statements)
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“…Participant (p4) indicated that the United States is aware of any mistake with Jordan that will reflect the cause of its reality, its political presence and America's fears after the emergence of the new Russian role from Jordan's tendency to cooperate with Russia instead of the United States. This result is consistent with studies of Saleh (2020); Sheikha (2020); Cash (2018); Schuetze (2017); Alsarhan(2017); Sharp (2015) in terms of the result and differs in terms of the approach used in data collection.…”
Section: Discussion Of the Resultssupporting
confidence: 91%
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“…Participant (p4) indicated that the United States is aware of any mistake with Jordan that will reflect the cause of its reality, its political presence and America's fears after the emergence of the new Russian role from Jordan's tendency to cooperate with Russia instead of the United States. This result is consistent with studies of Saleh (2020); Sheikha (2020); Cash (2018); Schuetze (2017); Alsarhan(2017); Sharp (2015) in terms of the result and differs in terms of the approach used in data collection.…”
Section: Discussion Of the Resultssupporting
confidence: 91%
“…"According to his study entitled (Simulating, marketing, and playing war: US-Jordanian military collaboration and the politics of commercial security), Schuetze reported the King Abdullah II Special Operations Training Centre (KASOTC) was financed and established by the US Department of Defence. The study adopted a qualitative approach through important empirical security studies based on interviews and observations made during a visit to KASOTC in early 2013 (Schuetze, 2017).Furthermore, in The Future of U.S.-Jordanian Counterterrorism Cooperation, Hardin Lang, William Wechsler, and Alia Awadallah explored the political and economic relations between Jordan and the United States. These relations were influenced by the repercussions of the events of September 11, 2001(Lang, Wechsler, & Awadallah, 2017.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…The introduction of (private and public sector) managers of security has led us to explore the commercial processes at the heart of the making of security. It has also led scholars to unfamiliar sites, ranging from the fake journalists trading news about pirates in the Gulf of Aden, to trade fairs in London or the KASOTC military training facility that doubles as a touristic theme park in the Jordan desert (Schuetze, 2017). Similarly, the encounter with the marvellous minions has opened up a wide world of infrastructural politics to exploration, sensitizing security studies scholars to the wondrous worlds of codes, algorithms, protocols and other security devices.…”
Section: Claudia Aradaumentioning
confidence: 99%
“…King Abdullah II has, since his succession to the throne in 1999, skilfully positioned his country as a supposed showcase partner in external interventions both elsewhere and at home. While the Jordanian military, for example, is a major contributor to United Nations (UN) peacekeeping forces and a close regional ally of the USA in military interventions in Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria (for a discussion of contemporary US-Jordanian military collaboration, see Schuetze, 2017), external interventions in Jordanian politics range from humanitarian aid (primarily by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)), via externally supported structural adjustment and economic liberalisation (see Hanieh, 2013;Moore, 2005;Moore and Schrank, 2003), to an impressive portfolio of international democracy promotion interventions. With $47 million out of the total annual $1 billion in US assistance assigned to programmes related to democracy, human rights and governance, the Jordan democracy promotion portfolio of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) constitutes both in absolute terms and in relation to population figures one of the largest worldwide (US Government, 2016).…”
Section: Why Care About a Parliament That Is Not Happening?mentioning
confidence: 99%