Social agents and news media as risk amplifiers: a case study on the public debate about the<i>E. coli</i>outbreak in Germany 2011

Raupp, Juliana

doi:10.1080/13698575.2014.950203

Cited by 31 publications

(17 citation statements)

References 46 publications

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“…Thematic websites therefore can have a strategic role in the communication of food risks to the public in everyday life as they can intercept users' searches on the Internet. National newspapers and generalist news websites, on the other hand, are concerned with food risks only in emergencies and when the risks' newsworthiness becomes extraordinary-for example, when there is the possibility of making the risk spectacular or when the alert can be retold as a political controversy or scandal: this interpretation is consistent with what emerges from other research on the coverage of food risks in the mass media (Raupp, 2014;.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 81%

Food Risks on the Web: Analysis of the 2017 Fipronil Alert in the Italian Online Information Sources

et al. 2020

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In the summer of 2017, several European Union Member States were involved in a food alert caused by the presence of fipronil pesticide residues in chicken eggs. The food alert became a major news and received wide coverage both in the mass media and on the Internet. This article describes a study that analyzed how the Italian online information sources represented the fipronil alert, using web monitoring techniques and both manual and automatic content analysis methods. The results indicate that the alert was amplified because general news media could represent the alert within the frame of a political scandal, and because different social actors exploited the case. However, online information sources correctly communicated that the risks for consumers were low, reporting mainly what was officially communicated by the Italian health authorities. The study provides empirical evidence on how the online information sources represent food risks and food alerts and offers useful indications for health authorities in charge of the public communication of food risks.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 81%

Food Risks on the Web: Analysis of the 2017 Fipronil Alert in the Italian Online Information Sources

et al. 2020

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“…(2017) applied the SARF to determine that newspapers and tabloids were more likely to amplify risks related to A/H1N1, when compared to press releases. Many additional studies have examined different aspects of the SARF and mass media (e.g., Hart, Nisbet, & Shanahan, ; Kim, Choi, Lee, Cho, & Ahn, ; Raupp, ). For a detailed review of the role mass media plays in the social amplification of risk, see Binder et al.…”

Section: The Social Amplification Of Risk Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…To better understand public health emergencies like the Zika virus, past research has applied the social amplification of risk framework (SARF) (R. E. Kasperson & J. X. Kasperson, ; R. E. Kasperson et al., ; Renn, Burns, Kasperson, Kasperson, & Slovic, ) to various outbreaks (e.g., Busby & Duckett, ; Raupp, ; Rossmann, Meyer, & Schulz, 2017), diseases (e.g., Rickard, McComas, Clarke, Stedman, & Decker, ; Strekalova, ; Strekalova & Krieger, ), and health‐related topics (e.g., Barnett & Breakwell, ; Chong & Choy, ; Petts & Niemeyer, ). The SARF was developed to explain why certain risks experts characterize as small “produce massive public reactions” (R. E. Kasperson et al., , p. 178).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Rethinking Social Amplification of Risk: Social Media and Zika in Three Languages

et al. 2018

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Using the Zika outbreak as a context of inquiry, this study examines how assigning blame on social media relates to the social amplification of risk framework (SARF). Past research has discussed the relationship between the SARF and traditional mass media, but the role of social media platforms in amplification or attenuation of risk perceptions remains understudied. Moreover, the communication and perceptions of Zika-related risk are not limited to discussions in English. To capture conversations in languages spoken by affected countries, this study combines data in English, Spanish, and Portuguese. To better understand the assignment of blame and perceptions of risk in new media environments, we looked at three different facets of conversations surrounding Zika on Facebook and Twitter: the prominence of blame in each language, how specific groups were discussed throughout the Zika outbreak, and the sentiment expressed about genetically engineered (GE) mosquitoes. We combined machine learning with human coding to analyze public discourse in all three languages. We found differences between languages and platforms in the amount of blame assigned to different groups. We also found more negative sentiments expressed about GE mosquitoes on Facebook than on Twitter. These meaningful differences only emerge from analyses across the three different languages and platforms, pointing to the importance of multilingual approaches for risk communication research. Specific recommendations for outbreak and risk communication practitioners are also discussed.

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“…The media is widely reported as amplifying and misrepresenting the risk posed by food incidents (Frewer et al 2002, Harrington et al 2012, Roslyng 2011, Washer 2006 diminishing trust in the food supply (Henderson et al 2012). While the media is not the sole source of information about food risk nor the only actors amplifying risk information (Raupp 2014) there is evidence that media representations of risk can make it difficult for individuals to make decisions about which foods to buy (Ward et al 2012) and that media representations influence individuals' perception of the level of risk posed by food (Frewer, Miles and Marsh 2002;Frewer, Scholderer and Bredahl 2003;Raupp 2014).…”

Section: The Media and Riskmentioning

confidence: 99%

The role of the media in construction and presentation of food risks

Henderson

Wilson

Meyer

et al. 2014

Health, Risk & Society

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In this article we examine how and why the media construct food risks, from the perspective of 'media actors' (people involved in different types of media) using data from 30 interviews conducted in 2013 with media actors from Australia and the United Kingdom. In modern society, many risks are invisible and are brought to the attention of the public through representations in the mass media. This is particularly relevant for food safety, where the widening gap between producers and consumers in the developed world has increased the need for consumer trust in the food supply. We show the importance of newsworthiness 2 in construction of media stories about food risk using Beck's ideas on cosmopolitan risk to interpret the data. We note the ways in which the strategies that media actors use to construct stories about food risk amplify the risk posed potentially creating consumer anxiety about the safety of the food system. It is important for food regulators and public health professionals to be aware of this anxiety when presenting information about a food incident so that they can target their message accordingly to decrease anxiety.

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Social agents and news media as risk amplifiers: a case study on the public debate about theE. colioutbreak in Germany 2011

Cited by 31 publications

References 46 publications

Food Risks on the Web: Analysis of the 2017 Fipronil Alert in the Italian Online Information Sources

Food Risks on the Web: Analysis of the 2017 Fipronil Alert in the Italian Online Information Sources

Rethinking Social Amplification of Risk: Social Media and Zika in Three Languages

The role of the media in construction and presentation of food risks

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