Social networks, social capital and poverty: panacea or placebo?

Matthews, Peter; Besemer, Kirsten

doi:10.1332/175982715x14448122286274

Cited by 16 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 47 publications

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“…Some strands of Anglo-American research, mainly in economics and the neo-liberal political discourse, have stressed that social networks may contain 'negative social capital' in the form of network partners who transmit norms that do not encourage employment. The empirical findings for this 'moralising discourse' are rather weak and disputed (Macdonald et al 2014;Matthews and Besemer 2015); 2. Long-term unemployment can affect the structure of social networks and the network resources that can be mobilised (Cole 2008;Marquardsen 2012a;Jahoda et al 2017).…”

Section: Rural Poverty and Social Networkmentioning

confidence: 96%

“…The issue of the interplay between long‐term unemployment – a term that is sometimes used interchangeably with poverty – and personal networks is most relevant for our focus on the general aspects of poverty. This research emphasises three main points (Sattler and Diewald ; Matthews and Besemer , ): Social networks are relevant for the emergence and the reproduction of joblessness (and poverty). Joblessness can result from network strains, such as the need to care for family members (Herden et al ).…”

Section: Rural Poverty and Social Networkmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Some strands of Anglo‐American research, mainly in economics and the neo‐liberal political discourse, have stressed that social networks may contain ‘negative social capital’ in the form of network partners who transmit norms that do not encourage employment. The empirical findings for this ‘moralising discourse’ are rather weak and disputed (Macdonald et al ; Matthews and Besemer ); Long‐term unemployment can affect the structure of social networks and the network resources that can be mobilised (Cole ; Marquardsen ; Jahoda et al ). There is evidence that long‐term unemployment and poverty lead to reduced social contact with former colleagues and friends, which can be only partially compensated for by strengthening and re‐activating family ties (Diewald ; Böhnke and Link ; Jahoda et al ).…”

Section: Rural Poverty and Social Networkmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Social Networks and Coping with Poverty in Rural Areas

Klärner

Knabe

2019

Sociologia Ruralis

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This article draws attention to the spatial dimensions of poverty and the importance of social networks as coping resources for the rural poor. We analyse data from an explorative, mixed‐methods study conducted in rural and urban areas in north‐eastern Germany, and show that spatial contexts shape poor people's social networks. Our quantitative analyses indicate that compared to the urban networks, the rural networks in our sample are smaller, and include more family members and fewer supportive relationships. Our analysis of qualitative interviews with rural poor people yields a typology of strategies for coping with poverty. It also shows that while social networks represent important resources for coping with poverty in rural areas, the support capacities of these networks are weakened by structural changes, the selective out‐migration of younger and better educated individuals, and by the ageing and shrinking of the population.

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Section: Rural Poverty and Social Networkmentioning

confidence: 96%

Section: Rural Poverty and Social Networkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Rural Poverty and Social Networkmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Social Networks and Coping with Poverty in Rural Areas

Klärner

Knabe

2019

Sociologia Ruralis

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“…In contrast to that of homeowners, the social networks of tenants renting from the local council are often portrayed as detrimental to social cohesion. Policy discourses characterize these networks as typical of socially disadvantaged people more broadly and as consisting of tight-knit groups (i.e., bonding social capital) that foster norms of worklessness, exclusion and hostility to the wider society (Tyler 2013;Matthews and Besemer 2015). It might further be postulated that homeownership fosters generalized trust by giving home owners the sense of security and material resources to reach out and take risks.…”

Section: Explaining Generalized Trustmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Development of Generalized Trust among Young People in England

Janmaat¹

2019

Social Sciences

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This paper explores how generalized trust develops over the life course among young people in England and whether trust is influenced more by family background factors or by conditions in late adolescence and early adulthood. If the latter are important, there may be reason for concern about falling levels of trust as material conditions, particularly regarding housing, have deteriorated for the present generation of young people. The first set of influences are highlighted by a perspective arguing that trust is primarily shaped by conditions in early childhood, while the latter are suggested by the so-called social learning perspective, which claims that people continuously adjust their social trust through interactions with people in different contexts. Analyzing data of the Citizenship Education Longitudinal Survey, the study finds that trust remains quite volatile until the early twenties. It declines between ages 16 and 23 and groups differing in educational attainment, civic participation and housing situation start to drift apart in their levels of trust between these ages. Educational attainment, civic participation and housing, as conditions pertaining to late adolescence and early adulthood, also turn out to have a significant impact on trust at age 23 controlling for trust at age 16. However, while the first two conditions are influenced by trust at age 16, housing (tenure) is not, indicating it is a more exogenous factor. Family background factors are not influential. Not only do these findings support the social learning perspective, they also suggest that poor living conditions depress trust among a significant minority of young people and exacerbate disparities of trust.

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“…The cost of childcare exceeds many families’ budgets, which often results in working parents leaving paid work or leaving their child without adult supervision during the summer holidays [20], which potentially impacts on their sense of loneliness [20]. Children who are socially disadvantaged have been shown to be at an increased risk of social isolation or loneliness, with limited household and neighbourhood resources making the formation and maintenance of friendships difficult [21,22]. The accumulation of loneliness, hunger and increased sedentary behaviour during summer holiday periods may contribute to poorer health outcomes for children, including mental health and wellbeing [13].…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Socio-Economic Inequalities in Adolescent Summer Holiday Experiences, and Mental Wellbeing on Return to School: Analysis of the School Health Research Network/Health Behaviour in School-Aged Children Survey in Wales

Morgan

Melendez‐Torres

Bond

et al. 2019

IJERPH

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The socioeconomic inequalities found in child and adolescent mental wellbeing are increasingly acknowledged. Although interventions increasingly focus on school holidays as a critical period for intervention to reduce inequalities, no studies have modelled the role of summer holiday experiences in explaining socioeconomic inequalities in wellbeing. For this study, we analysed survey data of 103,971 adolescents from 193 secondary schools in Wales, United Kingdom, which included measures of family affluence, experiences during the summer holidays (hunger, loneliness, time with friends and physical activity) and mental wellbeing and internalising symptoms on return to school. Structural equation modelling was used to analyse the data. Although family affluence retained a direct inverse association with student mental wellbeing (r = −0.04, p < 0.001), 65.2% of its association with mental wellbeing was mediated by the experiences over the summer holidays. FAS score was not directly associated with the student’s self-reports of internalising symptoms (r = 0.00, p > 0.05). Of all summer holiday experiences, the strongest mediational pathway was observed for reports of loneliness. Although more structural solutions to poverty remain essential, school holiday interventions may have significant potential for reducing socioeconomic inequalities in mental health and wellbeing on young people’s return to school through reducing loneliness, providing nutritious food and opportunities for social interaction.

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Social networks, social capital and poverty: panacea or placebo?

Cited by 16 publications

References 47 publications

Social Networks and Coping with Poverty in Rural Areas

Social Networks and Coping with Poverty in Rural Areas

The Development of Generalized Trust among Young People in England

Socio-Economic Inequalities in Adolescent Summer Holiday Experiences, and Mental Wellbeing on Return to School: Analysis of the School Health Research Network/Health Behaviour in School-Aged Children Survey in Wales

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