Socioeconomic Status and Delinquent Behavior

Nye, F. Ivan; Short, James F.; Olson, Virgil J.

doi:10.1086/222261

Cited by 91 publications

(39 citation statements)

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“…Por ello, a pesar de la indudable valía de los primeros auto-informes y de la vía metodológica que abrió, habría que cuestionar gran parte de estos estudios como lo hace Hirschi (1969), Elliot y Agenton (1980), etc. En numerosas ocasiones la escala utilizada ha sido bastante trivial, destacando el aluvión de estudios que se produjeron hasta 1980 consistentes en la confesión de "pequeños pecadillos, cosas de chicos o cosas parecidas" (Nye et al, 1958;Short and Nye, 1958;Clark and Wenninger;1962, Stinchcombre;1964, Akers;1964;Dentler y Monroe, 1961;Voss, 1966;Williams y Gold, 1972;Erikson, 1973;Hirschi, 1969), o escasamente fiables (Jonson, 1980;Thornberry y Farnworth, 1982;Brownfield, 1986;Wright et al, 1999). Sin embargo, cuando se ha subsanado este defecto y se ha confeccionado una escala de delincuencia exhaustiva en la tipología de los delitos, los datos de los auto informes han coincidido prácticamente con los delitos oficiales sobre todo, en los delitos graves (Elliot y Agenton, 1980;Elliot y Huizinga, 1983;Farnworth et al, 1994).…”

Section: Conclusionesunclassified

Social stratification and delinquency. Forty years of sociological discrepancy

Frutos¹

2006

Rev. int. sociol.

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RESUMENLa sociología de la delincuencia encontró en la clase social un robusto e indiscutible apoyo sobre el que sustentarse para explicar los comportamientos desviados. Las bases teóricas fundamentales se cimentaron sobre un puñado de teorías que tuvieron su origen en los años cincuenta del pasado siglo y que se extendieron básicamente durante los treinta años siguientes. Pero esta claridad teórica no acabó de encontrar una apoyatura práctica. Cuando se empezaran a poner en tela de juicio los datos de las estadísticas oficiales procedentes de la policía y de los tribunales y en su lugar se echó mano de los auto-informes, los investigadores se dieron de bruces con una realidad insospechada: la extensa delincuencia de cuello blanco no registrada. Ello indujo a pensar que la relación entre clase social y delincuencia era en realidad un mito sostenido sobre los prejuicios de considerar a una clase social como más peligrosa, detenerla más, juzgarla más y condenarla más. Surgió entonces una prolongada controversia fundamentada sobre dos postulados inamovibles: "no importa cómo se mire la clase social, ya que no incide sobre la delincuencia" frente a "la clase social correlaciona negativamente con la delincuencia; según se baja en la escala aumentan los delitos". PALABRAS CLAVE ADICIONALESClase social, Estatus social, Tipos de delincuencia, Auto-informes, Oportunidades ilegítimas ABSTRACTSociologists studying delinquency for a long time considered social class to be a solid and undisputed cornerstone on which to base their studies of deviant behaviour. A series of theories originating from the 1950´s and which were widely accepted over the following thirty years, led to the establishment of this theoretical framework. However, despite its widespread acceptance on a theoretical level, this framework lacked support on an empirical one. When researchers began to question statistical data from the police and the courts and decided to use their own studies instead, they came headlong up against an unsuspected truth. A new reality emerged. Now it was necessary to question whether the relationship between social class and delinquency was in reality only a myth based on prejudices which consisted of considering one social class to be more dangerous, resulting in their being more likely to be arrested, brought to court and imprisoned. This gave rise to a prolonged debate based on two conflicting hypotheses: "It´s not important to study social class as it has no effect on delinquency" as opposed to "social class has a negative correlation with delinquency: the lower the social class, the greater the incidence of crimes.

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Section: Conclusionesunclassified

Social stratification and delinquency. Forty years of sociological discrepancy

Frutos¹

2006

Rev. int. sociol.

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“…Mais il faut attendre 1957 pousAcnstater un renouveau d'intérêt pour ce problème^ Nye et Short (1957) et Nye et al (1958) développèrent alors un instrument destiné à mesurer la délinquance révélée à l'aide d'un questionnaire d'auto-administration composé d'une liste de 24 délits comprenant, en plus des délits classiques, certaines des nouvelles formes d'inadaptation. Les conclusions de cette étude ne révèlent aucune diffé-rence significative entre divers milieux socio-économiques quant à l'incidence de tels comportements.…”

Section: Description De La Délinquance En Milieu Aiséunclassified

La délinquance en milieu aisé

Leblanc¹

2006

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DELINQUENCY IN THE MIDDLE CLASS : A GROUP CULTURE OF COMMITTED DRUG USERS As a first step, this monograph evaluated the literature dealing with middle class delinquency. We were interested in the traditional forms of delinquency — agression, theft, etc., but in new forms as well : the hippie movement and student protest. Our second step was the study of a group culture of young adults, users of the minor drugs, hallucinogenics and psychedelics. This empiric study of the drug phenomenon in the middle class was accomplished by participant observation. The object of analyzing the group culture was to show how the consumption and distribution of drugs condition the structural and cultural aspects of life among a group of drug users. The results showed that the drug consumers studied were not social failures, and that their only consistent manifestation of maladjustment lay in their use of drugs. The group studied was a quasi-group whose activities consisted of sitting around and taking drugs with a background of silence or music. Culturally, much more of a vacuum was to be observed than adherence to an ideological, counter-cultural .— or rather, para-cultural .— support. The most interesting result was the demonstration of the direct relationship between drugs (consumption and/or distribution) and the structural and cultural aspects of the group studied. To interpret this drug phenomenon in the middle class, we advanced a paradigm consisting of four fields of importance : mass society that is alienating and anomic, the place of youth in society, the tolerance toward deviance, and the aimlessness of leisure time. On the basis of these areas of importance, the drug phenomenon exists because of the drift of youth between conformity and deviance.

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“…It is important to recognize that social inequality as a theoretical construct is multidimensional and can be tapped by a number of separate indicators: e.g., occupational prestige, income, education, residential area, house type, etc. Rarely do researchers interested in the class-deviance relation use more than one of these indicators, the most frequent being occupation of the respondent's father (Nye, Short and Olson, 1958;Clark and Wenninger, 1962;Reiss and Rhodes, 1963; for an exception see Lander, 1954). A question to be raised is how these other measures of social inequality relate to deviance and whether they--taken as single measures or in conjunction with other measures--can predict deviance better than occupation taken alone.…”

Section: The Inadequacy Of Class Measures Presently Employed In Deviamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Most research attempting to outline the relationship between social class and deviance utilize only three or four arbitrary divisions of the independent variable (Lander, 1954;Nye, Short and Olson, 1958;Clark and Wenninger, 1962;Reiss and Rhodes, 1963). Such collapsing is wholly inadequate given the rarity of actual deviance and the fact that the propositions tested predict clustering.…”

Section: The Inadequacy Of Present Cutting Point Strategies With Respmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…That is, self-report instruments tend to overly represent non-serious offenses, e.g., defying patents' authority, driving recklessly in a car, having relations with persons of the opposite sex. (Taken from, Short and Nye, 1958), and do not give adequate consideration to more serious offenses, e.g., rape, murder, and kidnapping. As a result, the self-report researchers may merely be tapping "prankish" behavior that is characteristic of all class levels, and if they increased the variation in their dependent variable (included more serious offenses) class and deviance would undo~btedly be related.…”

Section: Social Class and Deviant Behaviormentioning

confidence: 99%

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