Some phonological changes in a Norwegian dialect in America

Hjelde, Arnstein

doi:10.1515/9783110929652.283

Cited by 13 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 4 publications

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“…Table 1 illustrates the levels of representation and their properties of English /l, r/ and AmNo /ɽ, r/. For AmNo, the /ɽ/ allophones [ɽ] and [ɹ] are in free variation, the latter of which is an approximant variant from English contact (Hjelde, 1996), and [ɾ/r], [Ø], [Ø↓F3], [ɹ] are possible surface forms of /r/.…”

Section: The Modular Sound System In Contactmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…[2] David Natvig I apply the modular phonological framework in Natvig (2019) to examine the impact of r-approximation on the AmNo phonological system, focusing on change over time. Previous work has shown variable influence of English [ɹ] in AmNo (Hjelde, 1996), but this is the first to examine the distribution of that variation across phonological environments and in the context of the broader sound system. The results anchor ordered variation, i.e., structured heterogeneity (Weinreich, Labov & Herzog, 1968, pp.…”

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confidence: 99%

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Variation and stability of American Norwegian /r/ in contact

Natvig

2021

LAB

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Sound patterns in heritage languages are often highly variable, potentially with influences from majority languages. Yet, the core phonological system of the heritage language tends to remain stable. This article considers variation in the phonetic and phonological patterns of /r/ in American Norwegian heritage language speakers from neighboring communities in western Wisconsin, in the Upper Midwestern United States. Drawing on acoustic data from speakers born between 1879 and 1957, I examine the distribution of four rhotic allophones, including an English-like approximant, over time. These data reveal an increase of approximants that is structured within the Norwegian phonological system and its processes. Furthermore, analyzing these changes with the proposed modular framework provides clarity for how heritage language sound systems do and do not change under contact and contributes to our understanding of the asymmetric phonetic and phonological heritage language patterns.

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Section: The Modular Sound System In Contactmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Variation and stability of American Norwegian /r/ in contact

Natvig

2021

LAB

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“…In addition to shifts in linguistic dominance, immigrant languages undergo changes not present in the baseline language/dialect with respect to the lexicon (Annear and Speth, 2015), phonology (Hjelde, 1996(Hjelde, , 2015, morphology (Hjelde, 2015), and syntax/semantics (Brown and Putnam, 2015; see also Montrul, 2012;Benmamoun, Montrul, and Polinsky, 2013;Putnam and Sánchez, 2013;and Westergaard and Anderssen, 2015, for discussions on changes in heritage grammars, including attrition and incomplete acquisition). Changes in phonological structure, along with changes in linguistic dominance, will produce different integrations for loanwords: different phonological structure selects different integration candidates (see sections 3 and 4.2) and increased English dominance is likely to produce more English-like vowels (Van Coetsem, 1988Winford, 2005).…”

Section: Loanword Phonology and Language Contactmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Model of Underspecified Recognition for Phonological Integration: English Loan Vowels in American Norwegian

Natvig

2017

J Lang Contact

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Using loanword data from Haugen (1953), this paper investigates variation in vowel integrations of English loanwords in the Norwegian among 19th century Norwegian immigrants to the United States, as first-language Norwegian and second-language English speakers. Previous research, most notably Flege (1995), has argued that speakers make use of L1 categories that are the most similar to the integrated L2 sound. In contrast, this research argues that the “most similar,” as well as less similar but attested, L1 integrated phonemes can be understood through the Lahiri and Reetz (2002) Underspecified Recognition model, where phonetic features of L2 input sounds are mapped onto hierarchically organized L1 distinctive features (i.e., Dresher, 2009).

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“…In the 1980-1990s, Arnstein Hjelde (1992Hjelde ( , 1996aHjelde ( , 1996b made recordings of people with a Trøndelag and Gudbrandsdalen dialect background in the Midwest. Students of Joseph Salmons at the University of Wisconsin made recordings in the 2010s.…”

Section: American Norwegianmentioning

confidence: 99%

Embedded word order in Heritage Scandinavian

Larsson¹,

Johannessen²

2015

New Trends in Nordic and General Linguistics

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This paper investigates the word order in embedded clauses in Heritage Scandinavian (American Norwegian and American Swedish). It is shown that Heritage Scandinavian has a substantial amount of verb-raising across negation in embedded clauses. Verb-raising (i. e. the order verb-negation) is found in thatclauses, relative clauses and embedded questions; only the first allow the order verb-adverb in European Norwegian and Swedish. It is argued that the non-standard order (from a European perspective) should not be viewed as a consequence of direct transfer from English, and not as attrition. Instead, limited or incomplete acquisition of the heritage language leads to a grammar with V-to-T movement in addition to V-to-C movement. The acquisition of the heritage languages is assumed to follow the same path as the acquisition of the European Scandinavian languages, but it is delayed due to the limited input and interrupted when the heritage speakers start school.

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Some phonological changes in a Norwegian dialect in America

Cited by 13 publications

References 4 publications

Variation and stability of American Norwegian /r/ in contact

Variation and stability of American Norwegian /r/ in contact

A Model of Underspecified Recognition for Phonological Integration: English Loan Vowels in American Norwegian

Embedded word order in Heritage Scandinavian

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