Sowing Dragon's Teeth: Public Support for Political Violence and Paramilitarism in Northern Ireland

Abstract

While much attention has been devoted to political efforts to solve the Northern Ireland problem, less attention has been given to the role of political violence in sustaining the conflict. We argue that one of the reasons for the intractability of the conflict is widespread exposure to political violence among the civil population. By 1998, thirty years after the conflict started, one in seven of the population reported being a victim of violence; one in five had a family member killed or injured; and one in four had been caught up in an explosion. Such widespread exposure to violence exists alongside latent support for paramilitarism among a significant minority of both communities. Using 1998 survey data, we show that exposure to violence serves to enhance public support for paramilitary groups, as well as to reduce support for the decommissioning of paramilitary weapons. Overall, the results suggest that only a lengthy period without political violence will undermine support for paramilitarism and result in the decommissioning of weapons.These creatures Aeetes ordered him to yoke and to sow dragon's teeth; for he had got from Athena half of the dragon's teeth which Cadmus sowed in Thebes … And when he had sowed the teeth, there rose armed men from the ground … Jason and the ArgonautsThe most visible and dramatic manifestation of the post-1968 Northern Ireland conflict has been political violence. Comparative studies show that Northern Ireland is easily the most intense violent conflict in Europe, accounting for the majority of terrorist incidents in Europe (US Secretary of State, 2001). The various paramilitary organizations that operate in the province are the most highly organized and equipped in Europe, particularly on the republican side. The statistics of violence suggest that in its duration and intensity relative to population size, the conflict approaches that of a war rather than a local insurgency, with substantial numbers of the population being exposed to many aspects of the violence, from intimidation and physical injury, to being caught up in a bomb explosion or riot.Most of the research on the Northern Ireland problem has assumed that the violence is a consequence of the political problem; once a permanent settlement between the communities is reached, violence will become irrelevant and swiftly disappear. Less attention has been given to analysing how public exposure to violence serves to mould popular attitudes towards the use of violence as a political POLITICAL STUDIES: 2001 VOL 49, 901-922

Victims as moral beacons: victims and perpetrators in Northern Ireland

“…As in earlier research (Hayes & McAllister, 2001;Muldoon et al, 2005), there is also some evidence to suggest that exposure to victimization is not shared equally between the two communities. On all three measures, Catholics report somewhat higher levels of victimization than Protestants, although, in all instances, the differences are not large.…”

“…To address this issue, Table 5 presents the results of a multinomial logistic regression analysis, which includes a range of background variables which previous research has demonstrated as of primary importance in determining exposure to conflict as well as public attitudes towards violence (Hayes & McAllister, 2001). The figures in each equation are the parameter estimates, while the standard error for each estimate is shown in parentheses.…”

Effects of Direct and Indirect Cross-Group Friendships on Judgments of Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland: The Mediating Role of an Anxiety-Reduction Mechanism

“…Many citizens, who suffered directly or indirectly because of The Troubles, report psychological maladjustment (Hayes & Campbell, 2000;Muldoon & Trew, 2000). For others, experience of violence has fueled support for paramilitary organizations and further exacerbated the conflict (Hayes & McAllister, 2002). Despite the recent ceasefires, Northern Ireland still has not achieved "normal" political and social stability and remains a deeply segregated society, especially in terms of education, residential location, and cross-community marriages (see Cairns & Hewstone, in press).…”

Menace Without Mandate? Is There Any Sympathy for “Dissident” Irish Republicanism in Northern Ireland?

“…Coakley (2004) and Hayes and McAllister (2001) were notable exceptions in their contentions concerning the possible durability of the 'physical force' tradition and the 'logic' of continued violence. Martyn Frampton's (2010: 286) detailed analysis has correctly indicated that the growth of dissident republicanism reflects the capacity of a tradition to endure and that its vitality has 'not been determined by the waxing and waning of the institutions in Northern Ireland'.…”