Staple Finance, Wealth Finance, and Storage in the Inka Political Economy [and Comments and Reply]

D'Altroy, Terence N.; Earle, Timothy; Browman, David L.; Lone, Darrell La; Moseley, Michael E.; Murra, John V.; Myers, Thomas P.; Salomón, Frank; Schreiber, Katharina; Topic, John R.

doi:10.1086/203249

Cited by 446 publications

(208 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…The development of widespread, complex exchange networks is apparent in ancient states and empires around the world (Brumfiel and Earle 1987;D'Altroy and Earle 1985;Earle and Ericson 1977;Oka and Kusimba 2008). While exchange networks are not necessarily dependent on imperial infrastructure and often thrive outside the auspices of state authority (Nakassis et al 2011;Parkinson 2010;Parkinson and Galaty 2009), the movement of goods across states and empires was an important component of ancient political organizations, serving as the basis for elaborate tribute systems, providing a currency for rewarding loyal individuals, and acting as a vehicle for materializing and spreading ideology (D'Altroy et al 1994;DeMarrais et al 1996).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Pottery production, regional exchange, and state collapse during the Middle Horizon (A.D.500–1000): LA-ICP-MS analyses of Tiwanaku pottery in the Moquegua Valley, Peru

Sharratt

Golitko

Williams

2015

Journal of Field Archaeology

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Pottery production, regional exchange, and state collapse during the Middle Horizon (A.D.500–1000): LA-ICP-MS analyses of Tiwanaku pottery in the Moquegua Valley, Peru

Sharratt

Golitko

Williams

2015

Journal of Field Archaeology

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“…Generalmente, la investigación de la minería en los Andes, enmarcada en la economía doméstica o comunitaria, ha sido comparativamente pequeña. Con algunas excepciones (Graffam, Rivera y Carevič, 1996;González, 2004;Núñez et al, 2003;Núñez, 2006;Eerkens, Vaughn y Linares, 2009), nuestra imagen actual de la producción minera prehispánica en los Andes está sesgada fuertemente por el punto de vista de las economías centralizadas y controladas por el Estado (D'Altroy y Earle, 1985;Berthelot, 1986;Earle, 1994;Williams, 2000;Shimada y Wagner, 2001;Abbott y Wolfe, 2003;Lechtman y McFarlane, 2006;Goldstein y Shimada, 2007;Lechtman, 2007;Cruz y Vacher, 2008;Salazar, 2008;Salazar et al, 2010b;Van Buren y Presta, 2010;Cantarutti, 2013;Schultze, 2013;Vaughn y Tripcevich, 2013).…”

Section: Minería Y Especializaciones Artesanales De Pequeña Escalaunclassified

Comunidades mineras prehispánicas de pequeña escala y sus ventajas económicas y logísticas derivadas de su conectividad con el Qhapaq Ñan, desierto de Atacama, norte de Chile

Garrido¹

2017

Bol. Antropol.

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“…Of particular interest has been the ways in which imperial institutions produced or commanded goods within the imperial political economy (e.g., D'Altroy and Earle 1985;LaLone and LaLone 1987;LeVine 1987;D'Altroy 1992;Spurling 1992;Hayashida 1995;Costin 1996a). In addition to general tribute requirements enacted on the populace at large, several categories of state workers -some permanent, some not -produced a range of goods for the use of state institutions, personnel, and the ruling elite.…”

Section: Cathy Lynne Costinmentioning

confidence: 99%

Housewives, Chosen Women, Skilled Men: Cloth Production and Social Identity in the Late Prehispanic Andes

Costin

1998

Archaeological Papers of the American

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Cloth was the most economically, politically, and rituaUy valuable item in the late prehispanic Andes, and it might be expected that producers, distributors and consumers of this valuable would compete to capture the symbolic significance of these goods as an attribute or identity for themselves. Much has been said of the elite patrons of the textile arts in the Andes; far less has been said of the producers. Cloth production traditionally employed domestic -largely female -labor for both utilitarian and wealth production. The Inka state expanded textile production by taxing conquered households and by developing two new categories of specialist weavers. In reorganizing the economy, the Inka redefined the social identities of cloth producers to ensure that the symbolic significance of cloth accrued to the state, rather than to producers. The traditional category of domestic producers were dissociated from their products, likely seeing their own status diminish as the value of their products increased. The aqUakuna category of female specialist weavers enjoyed an idealized high status commensurate with the value of the exquisite cloth they wove, but at a high personal cost, as they remained sequestered virgins under control of the state.r> emn^c^t y> an d social status. So central was this principle to the Inka ideology of material culture that indigenous creation myths described the first Cloth was the most economically, politically, people as entering the world already dressed in garand ritually valuable item in the late prehispanic Andes, ments that identified their gender, ethnicity, and soIn the Inka empire, cloth was a utilitarian good, me-cial (elite) status (Guaman Poma 1980[1615:84; dium of taxation, and conspicuous sign of wealth Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui 1968Yamqui [1613: 284-287). and political favor. Textiles expressed social rela-At the time the Spanish conquered the Inka empire, tionships and social identity. Social connections were strict sumptuary laws were aimed at ensuring that a constructed and expressed in the dynamics of tex-person's clothing would immediately signal approtile distribution. As an item of exchange, cloth flowed priate rank, ethnicity, and place of residence. Conin many directions among individuals and institu-quered populations were required to retain their distions of different rank and power, reflecting the tinctive "traditional" local dress styles after incorponature of the social relationship between giver and ration into the empire (Cobo 1979(Cobo [1653), as a way receiver. Textiles circulated among consanguinal and of controlling the population and maintaining ethaffinal kin to mark adjustments to social networks nic distinctions within the empire. This was an imduring key rites of passage such as birth, puberty, perial strategy in which only select portions of the marriage, and death. The bestowal of cloth to so-empire were "Inkanized" after incorporation into cial or political inferiors signified reward and pa-the empire (cf. Costin and Earle 1989) so as to d...

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Staple Finance, Wealth Finance, and Storage in the Inka Political Economy [and Comments and Reply]

Cited by 446 publications

References 14 publications

Pottery production, regional exchange, and state collapse during the Middle Horizon (A.D.500–1000): LA-ICP-MS analyses of Tiwanaku pottery in the Moquegua Valley, Peru

Pottery production, regional exchange, and state collapse during the Middle Horizon (A.D.500–1000): LA-ICP-MS analyses of Tiwanaku pottery in the Moquegua Valley, Peru

Comunidades mineras prehispánicas de pequeña escala y sus ventajas económicas y logísticas derivadas de su conectividad con el Qhapaq Ñan, desierto de Atacama, norte de Chile

Housewives, Chosen Women, Skilled Men: Cloth Production and Social Identity in the Late Prehispanic Andes

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