As the only place simultaneously occupied by the Middle Horizon (A.D. 600–1000) Andean states, the Tiwanaku and the Wari, the Moquegua Valley in southern Peru is of critical importance to understanding relations between the two states. Visual studies of Tiwanaku and Wari ceramics in the valley have elucidated differences in form and decoration. The procurement of raw clays was central to the production of these ceramics, and understanding where people procured their clay may provide insight into the social and economic interactions between these two states. Survey of the Moquegua Valley indicates the extensive availability of raw clays. Results of laser ablation inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (LA‐ICP‐MS) analyses of clays indicate that there is heterogeneity in the chemical signature of the valley's clays and that at least five different clay groups can be distinguished. Comparison of these clays with LA‐ICP‐MS analysis of ceramics from a Tiwanaku site and a Wari site demonstrates that although Tiwanaku and Wari colonists in Moquegua used locally available clays during the Middle Horizon, the clay sources exploited by potters from each state were different and derived from areas located within their respective middle and upper valley territories. This information provides a basis for future chemical analysis of ceramics from the Moquegua Valley and improved understanding of past social and economic interactions. © 2009 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

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Previous archaeological studies suggest that terminal Middle Horizon Tumilaca populations (cal A.D. 950–1150) of the middle Moquegua Valley represent direct descendants of earlier Chen Chen-style Tiwankau colonists of the region. This study tests this idea by comparing dentally derived biodistance analyses of Tumilaca, Chen Chen-style, Tiwanaku, and other regional samples. The results indicate that the Tumilaca and Chen Chen-style mortuary samples are similar to one another suggesting that these populations might share an ancestral-descendant relationship. The phenetic relations of the Tumilaca and Chen Chen to other regional samples are also discussed.

As in other examples of state collapse, political disintegration of the Tiwanaku state circa AD 1000 was accompanied by considerable cultural continuity. In the Moquegua Valley, Peru, the location of the largest Tiwanaku communities outside the altiplano, settlements and practices associated with this postcollapse cultural continuity are termed Tumilaca. Previous research indicated that Tumilaca was short-lived, with all vestiges of Tiwanaku gone from Moquegua's archaeological record by the thirteenth century when the valley was subsequently characterized by Estuquiña-style materials. This article discusses radiocarbon dates from Tumilaca la Chimba, a village established as the political authority of the Tiwanaku state waned. The 21 absolute dates from Tumilaca domestic, public, and funerary contexts span at least 350 years, from the late tenth to the mid-fourteenth centuries AD. They suggest that (1) Tiwanaku-affiliated communities endured well into the later Late Intermediate Period (AD 1200–1470); (2) ongoing debates about the emergence of Estuquiña communities must consider the role of terminal Tiwanaku populations; and (3) analyses of postcollapse continuity can be enhanced by considering peripheral locales and the particularities of continuity.