State of the Union

McLean, Iain; McMillan, Alistair

doi:10.1093/0199258201.001.0001

Cited by 109 publications

(7 citation statements)

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“…These are national identities too, thus a person can have more than one national identity and be, for example, British and English. However, those who see themselves as Scottish or Welsh but not British increased just after devolution and since (Ali and Heath, 2013: 6–8; McLean and McMillan, 2005: 4), and this is unsurprising. As legal and political institutions across Britain reduce, so does the extent to which people feel shaped by Britain and so does the extent to which they see themselves as British.…”

Section: The Report's Parekhian Approach To National Identitiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The ‘Parekh Report’ – National identities without nations and nationalism

Uberoi

2015

Ethnicities

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Abstract'Multiculturalists' often advocate national identities. Yet few study the ways in which 'multiculturalists' do so and in this article I will help to fill this gap. I will show that the Commission for Multi-Ethnic Britain's report reflects a previously unnoticed way of thinking about the nature and worth of national identities that the Commission's chair, and prominent political theorist, Bhikhu Parekh, had been developing since the 1970s. This way of thinking will be shown to avoid the questionable ways in which conservative and liberal nationalists discuss the nature and worth of national identities while offering an alternative way to do so. I will thus show that a report that was once criticised for the way it discussed national identities reflects how 'multiculturalists' think about national identities in a distinct and valuable way that has gone unrecognised.

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Section: The Report's Parekhian Approach To National Identitiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The ‘Parekh Report’ – National identities without nations and nationalism

Uberoi

2015

Ethnicities

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“…If it might be called a "union state," the nature of the union has gone through more substantial twists and turns than is often acknowledged. 87 The Glorious and the industrial revolutions were part of that, while the links (and, in places, the absence of links) from the former to the latter bring out some of the meaning of the twists and turns. This can suggest a very different view than both the old and the new Whig interpretation, of fluctuation as well as achievement; of divergence as well as of convergence; and, in particular, of uncertainty and ambiguity in connections between the individual, the nation, and the state.…”

Section: ⅵ ⅵ ⅵmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Nation, the State, and the First Industrial Revolution

Hoppit¹

2011

J. Br. Stud.

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“…As McLean and McMillan contend, the term is justified by political science and Scots constitutional law if not the theories of Albert Venn Dicey and English constitutional law. 71 In the Scottish case, institutional distinctiveness -reflected since the Act of Union in the law, the education and Church establishments and in local government -was further C. Farrington and G. Walker 144 accentuated by the creation of the Scottish Office in 1885 and the position of the Scottish Secretary of State in 1892. During the twentieth century the Scottish Office's role was expanded sufficiently to justify the use of the term 'administrative devolution' and to lead some scholars to talk of a separate Scottish political system.…”

Section: Devolutionmentioning

confidence: 99%