State power in a multilateral context: Voting strength in the Asian development bank

Strand, Jonathan R.

doi:10.1080/03050629908434952

Cited by 16 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 44 publications

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“…The key advantage of using small donor aid to proxy for need is that, because small donors are small, they do not have the power to influence ADB lending significantly. Strand (1999) finds that the ADB's voting system reduces the voting power of small donors. For example, the 1990 Johnston voting power indices were: Japan 0.174, the U.S. 0.174, Canada 0.081, Denmark 0, the Netherlands 0, Norway 0, and Sweden 0.…”

Section: Estimation Methods and Datamentioning

confidence: 98%

Donor influence in multilateral development banks: The case of the Asian Development Bank

Kilby

2006

Rev Int Orgs

126

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Section: Estimation Methods and Datamentioning

confidence: 98%

Donor influence in multilateral development banks: The case of the Asian Development Bank

Kilby

2006

Rev Int Orgs

126

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“…Member states delegate responsibility to a 12-member Board of Executive Directors (EDs), eight of whom are from the region. Three members have their own ED: Japan, the United States (US) and China; the rest share nine EDs (Strand 1999). Chaired by the (customarily Japanese) President of the Bank, the Board of Executive Directors 'supervise ADB's financial statements, approve its administrative budget, and review and approve all policy documents and all loan, equity, and technical assistance operations' (ADB 2011b).…”

Section: Organizational Culturementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Regional members should control 60 per cent of the votes in a weighted voting system based on the capital subscribed to the organization and a formula of basic and proportional votes (Wan 1995-96, 510;Strand 1999;Dutt 2001: 246). Japan and the US are the largest equal voting members of the Bank with 12.8 per cent of the voting stock (Dutt 1997: 79;ADB 2012a).…”

Section: Organizational Culturementioning

confidence: 99%

Institutional isomorphism and the Asian Development Bank's accountability mechanism: something old, something new; something borrowed, something blue?

Park¹

2014

The Pacific Review

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In the 1990s Multilateral Development Banks created accountability mechanisms (AMs) that allowed people affected by development projects redress. Currently undertheorized, this paper examines how and why the Asian Development Bank (ADB) created an AM, and whether the AM serves its purpose to hold the ADB to account and to provide 'fair hearing of the views of the affected group'. This article argues that the ADB created a new AM because of institutional isomorphism, borrowing the idea of the AM from the World Bank as a result of coercive and mimetic isomorphic processes. Further, that the ADB introduced a mechanism ill-suited to the pre-existing (old) organizational culture of the ADB, which is based on consensus and hierarchical rule-following in the context of ADB operations to further economic growth while upholding state sovereignty. Despite its restructure and recent review, the mechanism's weakness was revealed through a stand-off between China and the AM over an investigation begun in 2009 (creating something 'blue'). The paper concludes that the AM's ability to serve its purpose will remain hampered as long as ADB maintains consensus around economic growth and state sovereignty over providing recourse to affected people.

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“…China joined ADB, it was granted a voting share of merely 6.2 per cent, far behind Japan and the United States, which together controlled more than 25 per cent of voting shares (Strand 1999). However, when China accounted for an estimated 12.4 per cent of world GDP and surpassed an aging Japan in 2010, its voting share in ADB actually shrank to 5.5 per cent (Reisen 2015).…”

Section: Japanmentioning

confidence: 99%

Beyond the hinterland: exploring the international actorness of China’s Yunnan province

Yao

2019

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific

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The scholarly literature on paradiplomacy has tended to focus overly on subnational governments in federal systems rather than those in unitary and centralized countries. However, it is important to note that some subnational governments in these countries have been increasingly proactive in international relations (IR). This study explores the paradiplomatic activities of Yunnan, a province in the south of China which, since the early 1990s, has actively engaged in cross-border cooperation. Combining the concept of paradiplomacy with the theory of actorness, this study first argues that Yunnan has been incentivized to conduct paradiplomacy through the decision of Beijing to open China’s borders; the inefficiency of the central government in managing border-related issues; and the interprovincial competition over economic and diplomatic clouts in the Mekong subregion. Second, this study argues that Yunnan’s new external affairs powers have been consolidated by a host of new opportunities stemming from the external environment. Third, it argues that Yunnan’s new external affairs powers have enabled it to leverage two broad instruments (infrastructure development and economic statecraft) to make neighboring countries more dependent on cooperation with it. And finally, it is argued that Yunnan’s role as an IR player has been acknowledged both by neighboring countries and by Beijing.

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State power in a multilateral context: Voting strength in the Asian development bank

Cited by 16 publications

References 44 publications

Donor influence in multilateral development banks: The case of the Asian Development Bank

Donor influence in multilateral development banks: The case of the Asian Development Bank

Institutional isomorphism and the Asian Development Bank's accountability mechanism: something old, something new; something borrowed, something blue?

Beyond the hinterland: exploring the international actorness of China’s Yunnan province

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