Sticky Networks in Times of Change: The Case of the European Women's Lobby and Brexit^*

Abstract

Addressing the case of the UK's membership of the European Women's Lobby (EWL), this article explores the significance of European Union (EU) civil society organization (CSO) membership for domestic CSOs and, in turn, the impact of Brexit on (the nature of) that membership. Analysis adopts a territorial perspective to reflect the UK's 'four nations' approach to representation, which affords the constituent sub-state CSOs notable access to this European network. Analysis of interview and text-based data identified shared core beliefs and resource dependencies as binding the UK's sub-state CSOs within the EWL, resulting in capacity building at the sub-state level. These shared core beliefs can explain the EWL's decision to formally accommodate the UK coordination post-Brexit, with resource dependencies acting as a further incentive for sub-state actors. However, beyond the policy subsystem , there are practical constraints placed on the UK's ability to collaborate and a diminished value of some resource.

Velvet triangles and more: alliances of supranational EU gender equality actors

“…Furthermore, Schrama (2019) illustrates severe imbalances between Western and Eastern EWL members, with the former rich in human, financial and social capital, while the latter aim to compensate for their lack of resources by linking up directly with the Commission. Recently, as an effect of Brexit, British women's organisations would have been excluded from the EWL; this was prevented by changing the internal rules and emphasising supranational 'sticky networks' (Minto, 2020). The change of rule potentially indicates 'a more systematic broadening of the EWL's reach beyond the EU' by allowing for non-EU members, with Icelandic women's organisations joining first (Minto, 2020(Minto, : 1599.…”

European networks, domestic governance and the second-order effects of Brexit

“…Indeed, as one interviewee stated, 'it was set up specifically to make sure that the representation from the UK wasn't just another English body going to Brussels… because in other places that is the situation, that happens' (Interview 11). This structure provides opportunities to actors from the devolved level of governance to use their position as distinct actors to advance their own domestic agenda and to raise the profile of their work, independently from a UK-wide body (Minto 2020). Notably, the English CSO (NAWO) is the least well resourced of the four CSOs (see NAWO 2018;Engender 2019;NIWEP 2019;WEN Wales 2019), which is at odds with the conventional dominance of Anglo-British organisations in intra-UK structures.…”

“…Furthermore, the UK will fall outside EU-wide datasets and governments may elect to diverge from standard European norms and definitions. This potentially changes the 'value' of the resource provided by the Observatory and wider EWL for civil society actors in the UK (Minto 2020). The need for UK-based actors to engage in EU transnational advocacy will be less pertinent, but a problem for such actors is the relatively closed Westminster system vis-a-via Brussels, meaning that just like for members of the CoR, the end of recourse to the EU-level will come as a loss.…”

Multilevel dynamics of the UK’s EU exit: identity, territory, policy and power

“…The former focused on political science, economics and law, the latter also drawing in more anthropology, sociology, socio-legal studies and geography. Taken together, UKICE and Governance after Brexit cover a significantly broad range across the UK social sciences (in addition to this special issue, see, for example, the research reported in a Journal of Common Market Studies symposium on 'Impacts of Brexit on Civil Society, Parliament and Access to Justice'; Barnard & Fraser Butlin, 2020;Cygan et al, 2020;Minto, 2020;Wincott, 2020a).…”

“…The special issue's second substantive section addresses Brexit's policy and economic impacts. Minto and Parken (2021, in this issue) analyse Brexit and UK gender equality policy, focusing on Wales (see also Minto, 2020, for a comparative analysis of these issues across Britain). They delineate a distinctive Welsh gender equality policy model, developed as a 'velvet triangle' advocacy network of politicians, academics and civil society activists.…”