Survivors of the Sixties: Comparative psychosocial and political development of former Berkeley student activists.

Abstract

Former Berkeley free speech movement activists were compared with student government contemporaries and a cross section of the 1964-1965 student body along the dimensions of self-and ideal-selfconstructions, locus of control, political beliefs and behavior, occupational choice, and moral development.Though their personality and political activism profiles were not distinctive, former activists were more likely to endorse leftist convictions, to work in human service and creative occupations, to earn lower annual incomes, and to demonstrate principled moral reasoning than were the comparison groups. Though free speech movement activists appear to have made important life transitions 15 years following their arrests, they still remain a distinct social and political cohort.Few issues have so deeply divided public and professional opinion as student unrest. Debates of a decade ago that contested the psychopathology or psychological gif tedness of student activists have resurfaced in controversies about their wholesale co-optation or lasting commitment. The testing ground for such theoretical formulations would seem to be the adult psychosocial and political fates of former student activists. Yet, follow-up investigations are as rare as studies of the sources of student protest were abundant. We thus know more about who the student activists of the sixties were than about who they became, which has largely been the province of prediction and speculation.Writing in 1967, researchers Trent and Graise maintained that Berkeley student activists would not forget "what they were once so excited about on the steps of the Berkeley campus's Sproul Hall" (p. 50). They conjectured "that the qualities the activists brought to their meaningful dissent in college will be enduring, positive and influential, and that they will continue to initiate intellectual dissent and social awareness" (p. 50). Draper (1965),

Moral Judgment, Organizational Incentives and Collective Action: Participation in Abortion Politics

“…Moral judgment and action, therefore, exhibit a monotonic relationship (Blasi 1980(Blasi , 1983. The expectation of a similar link between moral judgment and political activism has guided considerable empirical research (Haan 1975;Keniston 1973;Merelman 1977;Nassi 1981;Weinreich-Haste 1985;Candee 1987) and underlies the use of moral development theory in this study This hypothesis, together with the contention that cognitive theory has cross-cultural validity, support the expectation that moral development significantly affects political activism regardless of ideological affiliation.…”

Female Offenders and Their Guards: a programme to promote moral and ego development of both groups

“…In addition, some recent research has also shown that adolescent and adult populations in general manifest the 'higher is better' and 'lower is poorer' syndrome. Nassi (1981) found that adult females at high stages on Kohlberg's moral judgement scoring maintained a commitment to altruistic community activity; those at lower stages did not. Bredemier (1983) found that female athletes at higher stages behaved humanely during competition; those at lower stages did not.…”

Gender and Social Movement Decline

“…The studies that do exist on this neglected topic typically focus on what the activists do politically. Over time, however, activists gradually move away from collective involvement and movement commitment, although resisting involvement in established institutions (Nassi 1981;Demerath, Marwell, and Aiken 1971;Nassi and Abramowitz 1979;Krauss 1972;Gitlin 1987;Whittier 1995;Whalen and Flacks 1989). Over time, however, activists gradually move away from collective involvement and movement commitment, although resisting involvement in established institutions (Nassi 1981;Demerath, Marwell, and Aiken 1971;Nassi and Abramowitz 1979;Krauss 1972;Gitlin 1987;Whittier 1995;Whalen and Flacks 1989).…”

“…Most have found that former activists from the sixties continue to espouse leftist political attitudes (Demerath, Marwell, and Aiken 1971;Fendrich and Tarleau 1973;Maidenberg and Meyer 1970;Whalen and Flacks 1980;Nassi 1981;Fendrich 1974;Fendrich and Lovoy 1988;Fendrich and Krauss 1978;Whittier 1995;McAdam 1988;Whalen and Flacks 1989). Most have found that former activists from the sixties continue to espouse leftist political attitudes (Demerath, Marwell, and Aiken 1971;Fendrich and Tarleau 1973;Maidenberg and Meyer 1970;Whalen and Flacks 1980;Nassi 1981;Fendrich 1974;Fendrich and Lovoy 1988;Fendrich and Krauss 1978;Whittier 1995;McAdam 1988;Whalen and Flacks 1989).…”

“…Most have found that former activists from the sixties continue to espouse leftist political attitudes (Demerath, Marwell, and Aiken 1971;Fendrich and Tarleau 1973;Maidenberg and Meyer 1970;Whalen and Flacks 1980;Nassi 1981;Fendrich 1974;Fendrich and Lovoy 1988;Fendrich and Krauss 1978;Whittier 1995;McAdam 1988;Whalen and Flacks 1989). As far as self-identification is concerned, a number of studies have found that former activists continue overwhelmingly to selfidentify as radical or liberal (Fendrich and Tarleau 1973;Nassi 1981;Maidenberg and Meyer 1970) or feminist (Whittier 1995), but other studies have found that ex-activists no longer identify themselves according to the movement's collective identity in a hostile political climate (Sawyers and Meyer 1999;Whalen and Flacks 1989). As far as self-identification is concerned, a number of studies have found that former activists continue overwhelmingly to selfidentify as radical or liberal (Fendrich and Tarleau 1973;Nassi 1981;Maidenberg and Meyer 1970) or feminist (Whittier 1995), but other studies have found that ex-activists no longer identify themselves according to the movement's collective identity in a hostile political climate (Sawyers and Meyer 1999;Whalen and Flacks 1989).…”