Syntax und Wortarten der Lokalpartikeln des Ṛgveda

Casaretto, Antje

doi:10.1515/indo.2012.117.2012.15

Cited by 4 publications

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“…Given 19 The synchronic syntagms, especially those in which pr á acts as an adverbial particle, are less helpful because they are for the most part synchronically transparent and hence show the productive and compositional use of the already generalised shape /prȃ/, that is they cannot help us decide between the traditional formulation of BL and Kiparsky's alternative. See Casaretto (2012) on the synchronic uses of Rigvedic pr á. 20 Alternatively, it could be evidence in favour of the 'Kleinhans version' of BL (Kleinhans apud Pedersen 1900: 87f.…”

Section: *H 3 óP-os-'work'mentioning

confidence: 99%

Sound Change and Analogy, Again: Brugmann's Law and the Hunt For O‐Grades in Indo‐Iranian*

Grestenberger

2023

Trans of the Philol Soc

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This article revisits the interaction between regular ‘Neogrammarian’ sound change (defined as a purely phonological process) and subsequent morphological change (especially changes subsumed under the term ‘analogy’) in the development of the outcomes of Brugmann's Law (BL) in Indo‐Iranian. The traditional formulation of BL states that Proto‐Indo‐European *o became Indo‐Iranian /ā/ in open syllables and /a/ elsewhere, positing a purely phonological context of application. Alternatively, Kiparsky (2010) has argued for a revised version of BL in which the accent and ablaut properties of the affected forms play a role, hence essentially for a synchronic morphophonological rule. I argue that this revised version fails both from the perspective of comparative reconstruction and as a synchronic rule based on a detailed study of the forms cited as evidence for the revised rule. Rather, in order to identify inherited *o in Indo‐Iranian the effects of the ‘blind’ Neogrammarian rule must be separated from the synchronic morphological rules of the attested languages. This paper thus makes a methodological contribution in defence of the Neogrammarian approach to sound change, but also an empirical contribution by showing that this approach, in combination with a strictly lexical definition of analogy, can account for some conspicuous exceptions to traditional BL.

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Section: *H 3 óP-os-'work'mentioning

confidence: 99%

Sound Change and Analogy, Again: Brugmann's Law and the Hunt For O‐Grades in Indo‐Iranian*

Grestenberger

2023

Trans of the Philol Soc

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“… The meanings and functions of the preverbs and prepositions of the Ṛgveda , though not specifically their positioning in the clause‐initial string, are treated in an ongoing series of publications initiated by Hettrich: Hettrich (), Hettrich et al. (), Casaretto (, b, 2011a–d, forthcoming a, b), Schneider (, , b, , b, forthcoming a, b). …”

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Accented Clitics in the Ṛgveda

Lowe

2013

Trans of the Philol Soc

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I discuss the most controversial and widely studied part of the Ṛgvedic Sanskrit clause, the clause-initial string. I focus in particular on a few sets of words -relative pronouns, demonstrative pronouns and preverbs -arguing that their treatment in previous analyses requires revision. This is because they can be, in some contexts, clitics. I argue that clisis must be defined in primarily syntactic rather than prosodic terms: Ṛgvedic clitics all share certain syntactic properties, but they do not all necessarily share any single prosodic property (such as lack of lexical accent). I subsequently examine the consequences of this reanalysis of pronouns and preverbs in the clause-initial string for syntactic accounts of Ṛgvedic word order.

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Reconstructing variation in Indo-European word order

et al. 2023

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Word order is a central issue in the reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European syntax. Categorical approaches have proved to be inadequate because they postulate for the protolanguage a typological consistency which is absent in any of the attested daughter languages. Following recent research, we adopt a gradient approach to word order, which treats word order preferences as a continuous variable. We analyze four word order patterns based on data extracted from treebanks of ancient Indo-European languages. After presenting our results for AdpN/NAdp, GN/NG, AN/NA, and OV/VO, we draw a number of conclusions concerning variation within individual languages, crosslinguistic variation, and variation in diachrony that support the claim that variability should be taken as the normal state across languages, including reconstructed stages. We conclude that a non-discrete approach has the advantage of leading to a reconstruction that better conforms to the situation known from real languages, with variation as a key feature.

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Syntax und Wortarten der Lokalpartikeln des Ṛgveda

Cited by 4 publications

References 0 publications

Sound Change and Analogy, Again: Brugmann's Law and the Hunt For O‐Grades in Indo‐Iranian*

Sound Change and Analogy, Again: Brugmann's Law and the Hunt For O‐Grades in Indo‐Iranian*

Accented Clitics in the Ṛgveda

Reconstructing variation in Indo-European word order

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