Taking Refuge in Leadership? Facilitators and Constraints of Germany's Influence in EU Migration Policy and EU-Turkey Affairs during the Refugee Crisis (2015–2016)

Neoliberalism, Liberal Intergovernmentalism and EU–Turkey Relations

“…However, LI foresees that the ultimate decision on negotiations rests with member states. To illustrate, the EU-Turkey refugee 'deal' reached in March 2016 has little to do with supranational institutions and all to do with the alignment of interests between major political actors, most notably Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany and President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey (see also Reiners & Tekin, 2020). Further, although institutions such as the Commission and Parliament have played an important role in first encouraging and then discouraging accession talks, Turkish policymakers have emphasized that, to them, the real decisions relating to Turkey's accession lie with EU leaders, that is, the European Council (Erdogan, 2004).…”

Current Trends and Future Prospects for EU–Turkey Relations: Conditions for a Cooperative Relationship

“…In this vein, the concept of external differentiated integration that concerns the extraterritorial, partial extension of the EU acquis through 'alternative forms of integration below the threshold of membership' (Lavenex, 2011: 373) constitutes a promising framework 'for conceptualizing the different forms of Turkey's integration and association with the EU' (Tekin,Chapter 7; see also Turhan, 2017;Müftüler-Baç, 2017). Should future developments allow for a reinvigorated discussion of the EU-Turkey relationship as a realistic case of EU enlargement, the preferences and influence of individual member states such as Germany (Reiners & Tekin, 2020;Turhan, 2016) and of EU institutions will continue to play a central role in this context as will EU-Turkey interactions in key policy areas.…”

Unpacking the New Complexities of EU–Turkey Relations: Merging Theories, Institutions, and Policies

“…The first part of the book, 'Theories and Concepts', puts together complementary and competing conceptual and theoretical approaches with distinct analytical frameworks to study the overall evolution of EU-Turkey relations. The chapters cover approaches from major theoretical schools that are typically employed or referenced in EU-Turkey studies: neoliberalism/liberal intergovernmentalism (Müftüler-Baç & McLaren, 2003;Turhan, 2012Turhan, , 2016Reiners & Tekin, 2020), constructivism (Neumann, 1999;Sjursen, 2002;Aydın-Düzgit, 2012), historical institutionalism (Camyar & Tagma, 2010;Bürgin, 2016;Icoz, 2011), Europeanization (Noutcheva & Aydın-Düzgit, 2012;Börzel & Soyaltın, 2012;Alpan, 2014;Tekin & Güney, 2015;Aydın-Düzgit & Kaliber, 2016;Süleymanoglu-Kürüm & Cin, 2021), rhetorical entrapment (Schimmelfennig, 2009Bürgin, 2010;Saatçioglu, 2012), and differentiated integration (Turhan, 2017(Turhan, , 2018Müftüler-Baç, 2017;Özer, 2020). All chapters include an assessment of the basic features and core assumptions of the theory or concept under scrutiny, a brief review of the associated core literature and terminology, and the identification of key actors, forums, institutional frameworks, and policies most relevant from the respective perspective.…”

“…To illustrate, in our analysis of the 'totality of interaction', the volume does not offer an explicit focus on transnational or inter-societal relations. In this line, no chapter explicitly explores the impact of individual EU member states on EU-Turkey relations despite the great importance of the role of countries like Germany (Le Gloannec, 2006;Turhan, 2012Turhan, , 2016Turhan, , 2019Reiners & Tekin, 2020), Greece, and Cyprus (Güvenç, 1998;Öniş, 2001;Tsakonas, 2001;Çelik & Rumelili, 2006;Dokos et al, 2018) or of the public opinion in individual member states (Ruiz-Jimenez & Torreblanca, 2007). However, the positions and policies of individual member states are covered throughout the volume, for instance, in the chapters on liberal intergovernmentalism (Tsarouhas, Chapter 2), the European Council (Turhan & Wessels,Chapter 8), foreign policy (Torun, Chapter 13), and energy (Sartori,Chapter 15).…”