Teenage expectations of going to university: the ebb and flow of influences from 14 to 18

Abstract

The expansion of higher education in the UK has been accompanied by ongoing class related inequalities in expectations about, and access to, university. In the context of detailed research into middle-class and working-class experiences and difference, there have been calls for more detailed analysis of internal class diversity, and for complicating the class dichotomy. This is particularly important for understanding the experiences of prospective first generation students. Drawing on data from an Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) funded study, this article offers a qualitative longitudinal analysis of young people's expectations about going to university, as these evolve over the teenage years, from 14 to 18. We analyse the experiences and expectations of young women with different parental class and educational backgrounds. We explore the interplay of parental expectations, school, teacher and friendship group influences through the teenagers' biographies. The qualitative longitudinal analysis offers valuable insights into how different influential processes intersect and play out for those with different backgrounds and circumstances, shaping expectations in divergent ways. As such it contributes to a more processual account of the structuring of social inequality in higher education expectations.

Challenging discourses of aspiration: The role of expectations and attainment in access to higher education

“…Winterton and Irwin () and Fuller () argue that parents of disadvantaged young people are likely to want them to succeed through education, but may not expect them to do so, perhaps based on their own negative experiences or their potentially realistic assessment of a congested youth labour market; they may also have normative expectations that are not predicated on educational attainment. In a related point, while Archer et al .…”

“…Gorard and See (2013, p. 153) conclude that 'there is considerable evidence that parental expectations are linked to their children's school outcomes', drawing particular attention to mothers. Winterton and Irwin (2012) and Fuller (2014) argue that parents of disadvantaged young people are likely to want them to succeed through education, but may not expect them to do so, perhaps based on their own negative experiences or their potentially realistic assessment of a congested youth labour market; they may also have normative expectations that are not predicated on educational attainment. In a related point, while Archer et al (2014) suggest that parents from different backgrounds are generally supportive of their children's aspirations, those from higher socioeconomic groups are more likely to be able to provide practical advice, role…”

“…Lupton (2005) discusses how teachers in disadvantaged areas struggle to maintain the high expectations that they believe are important, while Rubie-Davies et al (2015) report on a successful experimental approach in New Zealand. Winterton and Irwin's (2012) comparative study of young women from contrasting socioeconomic groups found that those from more advantaged backgrounds received an expectation of progressing to HE from both their parents and their schools, while those from disadvantaged backgrounds were motivated by their growing academic self-confidence or the influence of individual teachers. In terms of interventions, school-based careers advice and work experience were seen as being key for disadvantaged young people, especially as their aspirations required a step out of the family trajectory, rather than the continuation of an intergenerational narrative; 'a move away from the focus on "high" aspirations towards an emphasis on "diversifying" and "informing" aspirations, with appropriate support, to ensure that all young people can find routes to achieve interesting and fulfilling, well-paid jobs' (Archer et al, 2014, p. 77).…”

Once were young: reflexive hindsight and the problem of teen parents

“…Youth is researched so that their desires, motivations, identities, subjectivities, intelligence, performance, resiliency, delinquency and/or aggression might be identified, noted, calculated and measured. All in the service of ends as diverse as increased school retention rates (Simmons and Thompson 2011), smoother transitions between school and work (Kelly, McGuinness, and O'Connell 2012), safer sex practices (Hillier and Harrison 2007), less alcohol and drug use (Johnson 2013), increased employability (Winterton and Irwin 2012) and the avoidance, management or minimisation of risk (Rimmer 2012). In these accounts, I have developed an argument that Youth is an artefact of expertise, constructed at the intersection of a wide range of knowledge about Youth and so-called Youth issues.…”

Parenting teenagers as they grow up: Values, practices and young people’s pathways beyond school in England

“…The literature here also shows the role of class, resources and family socialisation in influencing young people's decision making (e.g. Hodkinson et al 1996;Ball et al 2000, 1999, Power at el 2003, Devine 2004, Winterton and Irwin 2012. In their study on higher education choices, Ball and colleagues (2002) However, interest in vocational education and training routes has fallen away over the last two decades, displaced by a more singular research emphasis on routes to higher education, and on severe disadvantage.…”