Abstract:Saiful Mujani Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah JakartaAcross the Muslim world, Islamic political parties and social organizations have capitalized upon economic grievances to win votes and popular support. But existing research has been unable to disentangle the role of Islamic party ideology from programmatic economic appeals and social services in explaining these parties' popular support. We argue that Islamic party platforms function as informational shortcuts to Muslim voters, and only confer … Show more
“…Sharia advocacy by elected officials serves as an "informational shortcut" for Muslim citizens, who interpret a commitment to sharia-inspired policies as a commitment to supporting social, economic, and political reforms meant to provide economic and physical security and accountability. 17 As the good governance promised by sharia proponents has proven illusive, dissatisfaction among lower and middle class Muslims continues to be expressed in religious terms. The majority of Nigerian Muslims continue to support democracy while endorsing sharia as simply one of many sources of state law, 18 but the perceived failure of elite sharia proponents to live up to their promises has created space for a violent Islamic radical movement-Boko Haram, a Salafi-inspired terrorist sect that proffers religious authoritarianism as an alternative to democracy.…”
Section: Framing the Relationship Between Sharia And Democracymentioning
“…Sharia advocacy by elected officials serves as an "informational shortcut" for Muslim citizens, who interpret a commitment to sharia-inspired policies as a commitment to supporting social, economic, and political reforms meant to provide economic and physical security and accountability. 17 As the good governance promised by sharia proponents has proven illusive, dissatisfaction among lower and middle class Muslims continues to be expressed in religious terms. The majority of Nigerian Muslims continue to support democracy while endorsing sharia as simply one of many sources of state law, 18 but the perceived failure of elite sharia proponents to live up to their promises has created space for a violent Islamic radical movement-Boko Haram, a Salafi-inspired terrorist sect that proffers religious authoritarianism as an alternative to democracy.…”
Section: Framing the Relationship Between Sharia And Democracymentioning
“…Dalam konfigurasi partai politik, meskipun di tingkat elite mereka terdorong untuk bertindak pragmatis, tetapi di kesempatan lain partai-partai seringkali memanfaatkan isuisu dan identitas agama untuk menarik simpati. Partai-partai Islam akan terus berupaya untuk menyimbolkan diri, walau tidak membatasi diri, sebagai representasi kalangan santri dan orientasi kebijakan yang pro terhadap syariat atau pro mendudukkan Islam dalam politik (Pepinsky, Liddle, & Mujani, 2012 (Ufen, 2006). Pada era reformasi, Megawati Sukarnoputeri mendirikan PDI Perjuangan (PDIP) yang menolak tunduk kepada Suharto.…”
Section: Hasil Dan Pembahasan Pembelahan Ideologi Dalam Transisi Reziunclassified
ABSTRAKArtikel ini berupaya menjelaskan bagaimana keterlibatan sentimen agama dalam ranah politik praktis dapat menciptakan persepsi ancaman keamanan di Indonesia pasca 2014. Beberapa pertanyaan yang akan coba dijawab antara lain mengapa pergesekan politik yang didorong oleh isu agama menjadi krusial pasca 2014? dan bagaimana persinggungan sentimen agama dan persaingan pemilu turut membentuk persepsi ancaman keamanan nasional? Penjelasan tulisan ini dibangun berdasarkan studi kepustakaan dan analisis berita seputar aksi protes di Jakarta sepanjang 2016-2017 dan dampaknya terhadap kemunculan isu-isu politik terkait RRT. Hasil studi ini menunjukkan bahwa isu politik dan agama pada 2016-2017 menjadi krusial akibat kulminasi dari pergulatan ideologi politik yang memanfaatkan pembelahan basis sosial berdasarkan ideologi. Peralihan poros kekuasaan pasca pemilu 2014 yang menempatkan kalangan nasionalis sekular di puncak kekuasaan membangkitkan kembali sentimen politik berdasarkan isu-isu agama. Menguatnya kekhawatiran tentang bangkitnya komunisme dan kedigdayaan Republik Rakyat Tionghoa (RRT) di Indonesia merupakan indikasi kuat bahwa pergolakan politik memantik kesadaran kolektif yang telah lama terkubur. Meskipun analisis politik aliran telah dianggap tidak relevan akibat menguatnya unsur kepentingan dalam pemilu, tetapi peristiwa friksi politik pasca 2014 menjadi indikasi bahwa politik aliran, dalam batas tertentu, masih berlaku di Indonesia.
“…Dass die konkreten Politiken von IslamistInnen die Quelle eines politischen Vorteils darstellen könnten, wird dabei größtenteils nicht in Betracht gezogen bzw. sogar explizit verneint (Pepinsky et al 2012 (Cammett/Luong 2014, 193f., 202). Zweitens erklärt die bloße Existenz solcher Stärken noch nicht, wie diese den Wahlentscheid der WählerInnen in mehrheitlich muslimisch geprägten Ländern zugunsten islamistischer Parteien beeinflussen könnten.…”
Section: Ob Islamistische Parteien In Arabischen Ländern Einen Politiunclassified
“…Wir argumentieren, dass islamistische Parteien ihren Wählern einen "information shortcut" oder "cue" als Heuristik 3 bereitstellen, der die von ihnen zu erwartenden moralischen Qualitäten (Cammett / Luong 2014) bzw. die damit verbundenen politischen Positionen (Pepinsky et al 2012) signalisiert und so bei WählerInnen positive Evaluierungen auslöst.…”
Section: Ob Islamistische Parteien In Arabischen Ländern Einen Politiunclassified
Do Islamist parties actually enjoy a political advantage? The Tunisian caseAbstract A recent literature review by Cammett and Luong discusses the political advantage of Islamist parties in North Africa and the Middle East. Yet, there is a lack of empirical evidence with regard to the mechanism through which the political advantage is assumed to work. Drawing on the concept of the individual use of heuristics, we are able to circumvent common measuring problems. We then argue that specific groups of citizens should have a higher likelihood to vote for Islamist parties as a result of the cues these parties provide. Testing our argument with data from the Arab Barometer for the Tunisian case, we find mixed results. In line with our expectations, respondents who prefer untested political actors are more likely to vote for Islamist parties, whereas -contrary to our hypothesis -respondents who value integrity are less likely to vote for these parties.
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.