Abstract:The International Labour Organisation (ILO) has developed a concept of decent work and set this as a standard in 1999. However, in many places in the world people labour under conditions that are far from 'decent'. Many people are subject to forced labour and experience unfreedoms, which raises important theoretical and practical issues. In this contribution we set out some of the ways in which forced labour manifests and how it has been changing over recent years in India. India is of particular interest beca… Show more
“…Unfreedoms are produced in the “nexus of employment and immigration precarity” and neoliberal labour markets and restrictive immigration regimes produce “hyper‐precarity” (Lewis et al., ).Unfreedom is not simply a consequence of being trapped in pre‐capitalist relations in traditional contexts, but can arise because life chances are bound up with the way the whole of society and economic opportunity are configured. (Morgan & Olsen, , p. 174)…”
Section: Everyday Bordering Geographies Of Carceralities and Unfreedommentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Unfreedom is not simply a consequence of being trapped in pre‐capitalist relations in traditional contexts, but can arise because life chances are bound up with the way the whole of society and economic opportunity are configured. (Morgan & Olsen, , p. 174)…”
Section: Everyday Bordering Geographies Of Carceralities and Unfreedommentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Unfreedom should not be viewed as merely an individual relationship of domination but rather as “a social relationship of insecurity and exploitation,” where “the fluidity of unfreedoms characterising diverse modalities of labour exploitation in the capitalist economy” is significant (Morgan & Olsen, , p. 174). The “layering of insecurities” marks out the hyper‐precarity of migrants’ lives (Lewis et al., ).…”
Section: Everyday Bordering Geographies Of Carceralities and Unfreedommentioning
This paper draws on the growing body of geographical literature on carceral spaces and carcerality to explore alternatives sites of incarceration in everyday life and also to look beyond the state as a carceral actor and agent. In particular, it focuses on “unfreedom” and the punitive elements of UK immigration controls from the perspective of those who have left violent domestic situations and in doing so have been forced to apply for leave to remain in the country. The paper highlights the ways in which, in enacting the spatial violence of immigration policies and controls, everyday actors, such as sales assistants and landlords, become agents in the “continuum of unfreedoms.” The discussion, therefore, seeks to define carcerality beyond the institution as not only linked to institutional carceralities but as existing in and of itself in and around us in everyday life. In particular, it is argued that from a feminist perspective there is a need to better understand these everyday carceralities in the process of seeking asylum, as women are less likely to be incarcerated in state institutions. The paper also demonstrates the complex roles of non and quasi‐state actors in shaping the “unfreedoms” of everyday life for those seeking leave to remain in the UK as a result of domestic violence.
“…Unfreedoms are produced in the “nexus of employment and immigration precarity” and neoliberal labour markets and restrictive immigration regimes produce “hyper‐precarity” (Lewis et al., ).Unfreedom is not simply a consequence of being trapped in pre‐capitalist relations in traditional contexts, but can arise because life chances are bound up with the way the whole of society and economic opportunity are configured. (Morgan & Olsen, , p. 174)…”
Section: Everyday Bordering Geographies Of Carceralities and Unfreedommentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Unfreedom is not simply a consequence of being trapped in pre‐capitalist relations in traditional contexts, but can arise because life chances are bound up with the way the whole of society and economic opportunity are configured. (Morgan & Olsen, , p. 174)…”
Section: Everyday Bordering Geographies Of Carceralities and Unfreedommentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Unfreedom should not be viewed as merely an individual relationship of domination but rather as “a social relationship of insecurity and exploitation,” where “the fluidity of unfreedoms characterising diverse modalities of labour exploitation in the capitalist economy” is significant (Morgan & Olsen, , p. 174). The “layering of insecurities” marks out the hyper‐precarity of migrants’ lives (Lewis et al., ).…”
Section: Everyday Bordering Geographies Of Carceralities and Unfreedommentioning
This paper draws on the growing body of geographical literature on carceral spaces and carcerality to explore alternatives sites of incarceration in everyday life and also to look beyond the state as a carceral actor and agent. In particular, it focuses on “unfreedom” and the punitive elements of UK immigration controls from the perspective of those who have left violent domestic situations and in doing so have been forced to apply for leave to remain in the country. The paper highlights the ways in which, in enacting the spatial violence of immigration policies and controls, everyday actors, such as sales assistants and landlords, become agents in the “continuum of unfreedoms.” The discussion, therefore, seeks to define carcerality beyond the institution as not only linked to institutional carceralities but as existing in and of itself in and around us in everyday life. In particular, it is argued that from a feminist perspective there is a need to better understand these everyday carceralities in the process of seeking asylum, as women are less likely to be incarcerated in state institutions. The paper also demonstrates the complex roles of non and quasi‐state actors in shaping the “unfreedoms” of everyday life for those seeking leave to remain in the UK as a result of domestic violence.
“…This concept is contentious and its definition has been widely debated within the literature on severe exploitation (see Miles 1989, Banaji 2003, O'Connell Davidson 2010, Strauss 2012, Morgan and Olsen 2015, LeBaron 2018. It is beyond the scope of our paper to resolve these debates.…”
“…For this to happen, a few ethical scientific rules must be respected, such as managing conflicts of interests (Bédécarrats, Guérin, and Roubaud 2020b). In the 24 There has also been important work on how the promotion of microfinance intersects with forced labor and cycles of debt bondage in India (see Morgan and Olsen 2015).…”
were awarded the 2019 Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel for their pioneering of randomized control trials (RCTs) to find reliable answers about the best ways to fight global poverty. This article unpacks the laureates' theoretical and methodological approach to development economics in order to evaluate to what extent their approach signifies a break from broader trends in the field. In particular, it investigates the role RCTs have played in both generating knowledge about development interventions and in shaping development policy debates more broadly. Finally, the article argues that despite their rebellious and radical façade, the randomista enterprise has led to a more exclusive development economics, while at the same time failing to improve our ability to fight poverty.
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