The Anglophone crisis in Cameroon: local conflict, global competition, and transnational rebel governance

From “Anglophone Problem” to “Anglophone Conflict” in Cameroon: Assessing Prospects for Peace

“…These landmark changes led to even more centralisation, resulting in less political and economic freedom in former West Cameroon, with increased censorship, corruption and marginalisation of the minority English-speaking population. The illegal dissolution of the federal system in 1972 and the long standing history of political and socio-economic marginalisation and discrimination of the people of former West Cameroon – often referred to as Cameroon's “Anglophone problem” (Konings and Nyamnjoh, 1997) – is a key cause of the current “Anglophone conflict.”…”

“…In 1996, a constitutional reform promised decentralisation of governance at regional (provincial) levels, yet many aspects of the reforms have not been realised, with the Biya's regime focussed on maintaining Anglophone elite support by using lucrative government appointments as a reward for allies (Orock, 2014). In 1997, Konings and Nyamnjoh (1997: 229), summarised the government approach to the Anglophone problem thus:The Government's continued denial of any “Anglophone problem” in Cameroon, and its determination to defend the unitary state by all available means, including repression, could lead to an escalation of Anglophone demands past a point of no return.…”

“…The fragmentation within the Ambazonian movement has also mitigated against the prospects for peace. The political leadership struggles have created polycentric structures within the movement and multiple policy directions (Ketzmerick, 2022). Disagreements over who can participate in or has the mandate to negotiate on behalf of the movement has to some extent derailed the Swiss peace initiative (Deutsche .…”

“…In contrast, the IG Sisiku alliance refused to participate. The multiplicity of voices over the policy directions of the movement is in part symptomatic of the disconnect between its diasporic leadership and their militias in Cameroon, given the absence of a physical authority on the ground to mobilise its following and coalesce its policies towards a common vision for peace negotiations (Ketzmerick, 2022).…”

Nationalist secessionism and global order: A comparison of the dynamics and impact of secession movements in Africa and Europe

“…One other factor which also galvanises more forces for the secessionists is their large diaspora support in terms of mobilisation (especially through Social Media) and protests as well as resource support for the movement back home in Cameroon (Nganji & Cockburn, 2020). While observing that the diaspora adds to the many groups in the secession movement, which weakens coordination, Ketzmerick (2023) acknowledges the potential of the diaspora on the conflict protraction. Understanding the Anglophone secession demands a historical trace of state formation in Cameroon.…”