The arc of autonomy in Georgia's Ajara

Holland, Edward C.; Dahlman, Carl T.; Browne, Michael James

doi:10.1016/j.polgeo.2020.102177

Cited by 4 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 32 publications

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“…9 Ajara was another secessionist region in Georgia, but the central government recaptured it in 2004. Besides, Ajara was quite ambivalent about its secession from Georgia and maintained close relations with the central authorities, unlike the other secessionist territories in this study(Holland et al, 2020).10 This survey technique, on the one hand, makes the responses more reliable indicators of respondents' true attitudes…”

mentioning

confidence: 86%

“…The cleavages in the region involve religious, language, and foreign policy alignment fault lines, including affiliations with competing great powers. The variation of outcomes is also quite significant, as some secessionist territories have de‐facto broken away from their respective metropoles, for example, Abkhazia and South Ossetia from Georgia, Nagorny Karabakh from Azerbaijan, while others succumbed to the central authorities, for example, Ajara in Georgia, and Lezgins and Talysh movements in Azerbaijan (Cornell, 2015; George, 2009; Holland et al, 2020). These variations, including the variation in violence, as well as the length of secessionist campaigns, make the South Caucasus an especially relevant case for exploring secession.…”

Section: Secession In the South Caucasusmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Social alienation and cultural distance in the context of secession in the South Caucasus

Dzutsati

2021

Nations and Nationalism

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What explains the variation in individual support for the territorial integrity of the state that faces violent secession? While previous research has emphasised the role of state elites, institutions, and secessionist groups, this article elucidates the popular underpinnings of the state's response to secessionist claims. The proposed theory utilises in‐group and between‐group social distance to explain individual attitudes. Greater alienation from society leads people in the core state to reduce their support for the territorial integrity of the state. The perception of the cultural distinction of the secessionist group is associated with higher or lower support for the territorial integrity of the state, depending on the feasibility of reconquest of the secessionist territory. When reconquest is probable, support for the territorial integrity of the state will be positively associated with cultural distance. When it is improbable, support for the territorial integrity of the state will be negatively associated with cultural distance. The analysis of survey data from the South Caucasian countries that have struggled with secessionist movements for decades provides strong supportive evidence for these conjectures.

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mentioning

confidence: 86%

Section: Secession In the South Caucasusmentioning

confidence: 99%

Social alienation and cultural distance in the context of secession in the South Caucasus

Dzutsati

2021

Nations and Nationalism

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“…As in the case of Italy, there was a conflict between the central and regional governments due to social concerns (Napolitano & Saputelli, 2020). So in several countries, regional autonomy is often used to reduce conflict and build peace (Holland, Dahlman, & Browne, 2020).…”

Section: Conflict Resolutionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Conflict of Interest in the Expansion of Sofifi City in North Maluku, Indonesia

Djen

Qodir

2023

jcgpp

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Since its 24 years as the capital city of North Maluku province, Sofifi has not had the status of an autonomous region. This study aims to analyse the causes of the emergence of Sofifi's expansion conflict. This study uses a qualitative method with a case study approach. The data sources in this study came from journal articles and online media, which were processed using NVivo 12 Plus. The findings in this study indicate that Sofifi's conflict is a conflict of interest over the struggle for political power and the potential for natural resources by political elites. Even so, the community's demand for the division of Sofifi was based on three things: the reality of backwardness in development, the lack of public services, and the fact that Sofifi is the provincial capital. The emergence of demands for division has given rise to a response of rejection; the refusal is because of the announcement of the Sultanate of Tidore. In addition, there are differences in development governance between the provincial government and the Sultan of Tidore. Later, the Tidore City government also used the argument of a moratorium from the central government to dampen demands for division. This study's conclusion explains the interest in the struggle for power and natural resources behind the emergence of the Sofifi expansion conflict. This study confirms that regional autonomy conflicts tend to be caused by conflicts over power and natural resources that take advantage of ethnicity.

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