The changing meaning of millets: Organic shops and distinctive consumption practices in Bengaluru, India

Abstract

The number of organic shops in Bengaluru has increased remarkably in the last few years, with millets being the main products drawing consumers. Yet, organic shops are only attracting middle-class consumers. We observed and interviewed 104 customers in five organic shops in Bengaluru to find out why this is the case. In this article, we follow practice theory to discuss the reported consumption patterns. We show that consumers, influenced by commercials and the advice of medical and nutritional professionals, legitimize their consumption of organic foods as an investment in their future health. We show that the customers of organic shops legitimize their consumption practice with affective engagements; thereby, performing symbolic boundaries that distinguish them from other social classes. This distinction manifests itself in the consumption of millets, which contributes to the change of the meaning of this food from a life-sustaining staple to a lifestyle superfood. In this article, we take a critical look at the role of organic retailers and how they reproduce class-based consumption practices in India.

Drivers and barriers in the consumption of alternative staples. A systematic literature review and future research agenda

“…Sz} ucs et al (2016) found that Hungarian consumers acquired health information from the Internet, such as that foods containing a high fibre content are good for the body; in contrast, Romanian consumers stated that television was their primary source for information on what constitutes healthy food. Consumers chose to include millets in their everyday diet when recommended to do so by doctors and nutritional professionals (Erler et al, 2020).…”

Middle Class, Tradition and the Desi-Realm—Discourses of Alternative Food Networks in Bengaluru, India

“…Regarding the consumption side in Southern AFNs, two aspects have been discussed in the literature so far: (1) The role of AFNs' consumers and (2) their relationship to the AFNs' producers. Newly developed Southern AFNs in particular are at risk of remaining a niche development as their consumers are often part of very specific middle-to upper-class groups [2,14]. Furthermore, in much of the Global South, farmers' livelihoods are uncertain, so improvement of livelihoods should probably take priority over producer-consumer relationships [15].…”

“…For example, is it sufficient for consumers to simply meet the farmer in order to establish trust, or do they also have to visit the farm? For Bengaluru, we have discussed this elsewhere in more detail [14].…”

“…However, we are doubtful that the handling of millet marketing by AFNs will result in a general lifestyle change towards an increase in millet consumption. During the fieldwork (conducted by the first author), it was noted that millets were marketed at high prices by the AFNs to an urban (upper-) middle class [14]. Any lifestyle change would therefore be confined to this social class.…”

“…Based on our findings. these interests include the production of chemical-free food [14] and the repatriation of rural migrants. Thus, contrary to what the representatives suggest, we argue that the revival of traditional agriculture as proclaimed by the majority of the respondents in this study does not result in the empowerment of farmers in order to improve their livelihoods, but rather in securing middle-class interests in the agri-food system.…”