The City and the Saloon: Denver, 1858-1916

Duis, Perry R.; Noel, Thomas J.

doi:10.2307/1890580

Cited by 3 publications

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“…This geographical concentration resulted primarily from the city's "segregated vice" policy, in which officials allowed music-centered saloons, variety theaters, brothels, and gambling houses to operate with minimal police interference as long as they remained within the designated vice and entertainment districts. 33 Also during the 1870s, the music at both basic music saloons and concert saloons expanded beyond minstrelsy to include Victorian piano tunes, operatic overtures and arias, and popular European orchestral music. 34 This shift in music coincided with a shift away from African American musicians.…”

Section: The Origin Of Chicago's Music Saloonsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…He based this conclusion on a few scathing newspaper exposés and a blatantly anti-saloon reform tract written by a Methodist minister titled Chicago's Dark Places. 67 At best, these contemporary sources are problematic and inconclusive. 68 The recent digitalization of newspapers has made available less biased sources that enable more finely grained research into the social history of nineteenth-century saloons.…”

Section: The Significance Of Female Patronsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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“I Like to Get Around”

Wiltse

2013

Journal of Urban History

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This article examines the previously unstudied history of Chicago's nineteenth-century music saloons, tracing their development from transplanted German beer halls to Americanized entertainment resorts to commercial dance halls. Drawing on evidence from scattered newspaper sources, the article documents women's ubiquitous presence in music saloons as waiters, performers, prostitutes, and patrons and then interprets what their presence reveals about the public role of women in nineteenth century American cities. The women in music saloons asserted considerable social freedom, articulated a public identity that emphasized sexual expressiveness, and helped create a morally ambiguous environment that defied the prevailing Victorian distinctions between respectable and disreputable. In doing so, they helped define what it meant to be a modern city girl. The article also examines the affect that municipal regulation had upon the operation of Chicago's music saloons. City officials restricted the presence of music and women but only periodically enforced the restrictions. The sporadic enforcement never removed women or music for long but nonetheless structured the social and cultural environment of the city's music saloons.The chorus girls made quite an entrance to George Silver's saloon in downtown Chicago on the night of May 30, 1903. Having just finished their performance at a local theater, they burst through the front door shortly after midnight, sauntered past the bar, and seated themselves in the rear room, which was already packed with men and women listening to "a ragtime artist" pound away on piano. Among those in the rear room, some had come as couples, while others, like the chorus girls, came in single-sex groups. The crowd drank beer, sparkling wine, and mixed drinks. As the night wore on, the frivolity increased. Encouraged by the "riotous piano playing," a woman rose from her chair and performed a "skirt dance," which won "the plaudits of the men and the scowls of the other women." In one corner, a woman talked emotionally to two men before falling into their laps. The promise of another bottle of wine, however, quickly revived her. Soon thereafter, several more women arrived from another saloon, which they declared was

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Section: The Origin Of Chicago's Music Saloonsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Significance Of Female Patronsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“I Like to Get Around”

Wiltse

2013

Journal of Urban History

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“…In his study of the saloon in restrictive Boston and permissive Chicago, Perry Duis demonstrated significant local variation between cities. 7 Similarly, Peter Thompson asserts the primacy of local context in differentiating the tavern life of colonial Philadelphia from that in New England, the Chesapeake, and the Carolinas. Ethnic and religious heterogeneity heightened cultural and political competition, a tendency that accelerated as the city's hitherto prosperous economy declined toward the end of the eighteenth century.…”

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confidence: 99%

Tidy Pictures of Messy Behavior

Blocker¹

2003

Journal of Urban History

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We booze historians, as my friend David Kyvig calls us, like to claim that we do what we do for more respectable reasons than to develop an informed appreciation for the qualities of our favorite potations or to find an excuse to charge the cost of a convivial pub evening to our research account. How beverage alcohol is produced, distributed, consumed, and regulated, we claim, offers a key to the nature of a society and how it changes over time. Addressing a previously underresearched aspect of alcohol use, the culture of the urban drinking place, the four books under review afford an opportunity to assess that claim. In particular, these authors use the public drinking place in distinct urban settings to illuminate the meeting of personal habit and societal expectations in the shadowy world of the tavern, pub, and bar.A fundamental assumption underlying studies of tavern (or saloon or pub) culture is, of course, that what takes place within such places not only focuses and filters everyday behaviors outside the tavern but also represents something distinct. That assumption requires examination. Among the prime activities normally thought of as being eliminated completely from public drinking places is child rearing, accomplished either by exclusion of the principal child 472

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“…Politicians, once in office, depended on saloonkeepers (and the powerful liquor industry behind them) to contribute to their campaign coffers and to help deliver the saloon vote at election time. 19 The unwritten code of reciprocity also governed workers' use of the saloonkeepers' celebrated free lunch. 16 Saloons and politics were so thoroughly intertwined that many saloonkeepers themselves became machine politicians, such as Michael "Hinky Dink" Kenna, who ran a Chicago barroom significantly called the "Workingmen's Exchange" and, with his partner, "Bathhouse John" Coughlin, ran much of Chicago as well from the 1890s to the late 1930s.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The “Poor Man's Friend”: Saloonkeepers, Workers, and the Code of Reciprocity in U.S. Barrooms, 1870–1920

Powers

1994

Inter. Labor Working-Class Hist.

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The City and the Saloon: Denver, 1858-1916

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

“I Like to Get Around”

“I Like to Get Around”

Tidy Pictures of Messy Behavior

The “Poor Man's Friend”: Saloonkeepers, Workers, and the Code of Reciprocity in U.S. Barrooms, 1870–1920

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