The Civic Minimum

White, Stuart

doi:10.1093/0198295057.001.0001

Cited by 259 publications

(83 citation statements)

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“…While he rejects the proposal in its unconditional form he enthuses for one of BI's neighbours: a Basic Capital Scheme (BCS). White (2003: 203-4) therefore ends in support for a two-tier welfare system. The main tier would be, as now, income-related and universal benefits linked to the performance of productive contributions; the second tier would comprise two accounts: a Life Account consisting of a BI that could be drawn without a participation test but which would be 'time-limited' to a specified number of years, and a Participation Account consisting of a BCS for which a test of qualification would be required but which could be used for a number of community-friendly activities.…”

Section: Basic Incomementioning

confidence: 97%

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The fourth attempt to construct a politics of welfare obligations

Fitzpatrick

2005

Policy &Amp; Politics

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Since the 1980s there have been three main attempts to ground citizenship upon the principles of duty, obligation and responsibility: conservative, communitarian and Third Way. Each of these are reviewed below. The principal task of this article, though, is to examine the emergence of a fourth attempt which, by relating duty to equality through the principle of reciprocity, represents a synthesis of traditional social democracy with the new politics of obligation. Our focus will be upon The Civic Minimum by Stuart White since this is arguably the most cogent expression of duty-based egalitarianism to have emerged in recent years.

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Section: Basic Incomementioning

confidence: 97%

“…White's (2003: 145) justification of labour penalties (and of the 'forced labour' they imply) concerns parenting and the point that this implies a set of role-related responsibilities, i.e. the duty to work to provide basic material needs.…”

Section: Fuzzy Boundaries Fuzzy Penaltiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The fourth attempt to construct a politics of welfare obligations

Fitzpatrick

2005

Policy &Amp; Politics

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“…In addition, it is not clear that the various New Deals offer genuine work opportunities (and of course the stress is always on paid work). Employment strategies that aim to contribute to 'opportunity for all' surely require 'real jobs' and a more generous interpretation of what counts as work if the ills of poor working conditions, low waged employment and the invisibility of certain forms of social contribution are to be challenged (see Levitas, 2005;White, 2003).…”

Section: Redistribution and 'Opportunity For All'mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Stuart White's (2003) recent work on the 'civic minimum' is a contemporary example of an attempt to fashion a left-of-centre vision for new times. Placed within a framework of 'fair reciprocity', where citizens are expected to perform certain duties (to take reasonable offers of paid work or perform other vital responsibilities such as caring for the vulnerable), citizens have a right to a 'high minimum' of income security in addition to 'a decent minimum of health care and disability coverage' (White, 2003: 202), educational provision and so on.…”

Section: Redistribution and 'Opportunity For All'mentioning

confidence: 99%

Creating ‘Opportunity for All’? New Labour, New Localism and the Opportunity Society

Ellison¹,

Ellison²

2006

Social Policy & Society

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“…While social democratic accounts have championed social rights as a means to achieve substantive equality and republican-communitarian accounts acknowledge them as a means to promote social solidarity, the social rights originally envisioned by Marshall (1950) were rooted as much as anything in social liberalism (see Rees 1995): they were premised on equality of status, not equality of outcome; and upon an individualist ethic that was supposed to displace class-based solidarities. Second, political and popular discourses alike may to differing extents embrace the ideological assumptions that inform each or any of that familiar triumvirate -Liberalism, Communitarian-conservatism and Socialism -that have been characterised in various guises as the basis by which existing welfare regimes and competing models of citizenship may be distinguished -for example, by EspingAndersen (1990), Janoski (1998) or White (2003). A part of my argument, however, is that such analyses tend either to conflate or to elide a fourth tradition that also competes to inform popular and political discourse: a traditionalist, moral authoritarian or neo-conservative ideology that is in several respects actually inimical to citizenship 1 .…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Popular discourse and the ethical deficiency of ‘Third Way’ conceptions of citizenship

Dean

2004

Citizenship Studies

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The article is in three parts. The first explores the connections and commonalities between different empirical investigations relating to popular discourses of citizenship and argues that these are constituted through the complex combination of overlapping discursive moral repertoires. The second part considers the discursive moral repertoires that constitute discourses of citizenship within the politics of the 'Third Way' project -as it is espoused in the British context -and argues that while such discourses accommodate notions of civic duty, moral obligation and enforced obedience, they seldom embrace a solidaristic ethic of responsibility. The third part discusses key findings from a more recent study of popular discourses of dependency, responsibility and rights. The findings suggest that what inhibits the translation of popular understandings of human interdependency into wider support for a form of citizenship based on collective responsibility and universal social rights is the hegemonic prevalence of a peculiarly individualistic conception of responsibility that seems to be consistent with Third Way thinking. _______________________________This article is concerned with the ethical/moral basis upon which social rights of citizenship are construed within popular discourse. By social rights, I am referring to rights to human welfare -encompassing, for the purposes of this article, provision for social security, healthcare, education, housing and other social services. Comparative research conducted over a decade ago in the United States and Britain suggested that while Americans then tended to accord most importance, or to give 'primacy', to civil and political rights, Britons gave primacy to social rights (Conover et al. 1991).However, more recent research suggests that young Britons now think about citizenship more in terms of responsibilities than rights, and are unlikely to regard social rights as unconditional (Lister et al. 2003). How should we understand this? In the intervening period 'Third Way' thinking, first associated with the Clinton era in 1 the United States, has crossed the Atlantic not only to become the orthodoxy of Britain's New Labour government, but to influence aspects of social policy across Western Europe (Bonoli and Powell 2001; Driver and Martell 2002: ch. 4;Surender and Lewis 2004). Central to the Third Way project is a conception of citizenship in which there can be 'no rights without responsibilities' (Giddens 1998: 65; and see Labour Party 1997;Dean 1999).It will be argued that, although the politics of the Third Way can have had only an indirect effect on popular conceptions of citizenship, it none the less represents an important constraint upon the development of social rights. There are two prefatory points that should perhaps be inserted here. First, it is acknowledged that the notion of social rights is in any event ambiguous, and indeed contested (Dean 2002: ch. 1;Powell 2002). While social democratic accounts have championed social rights as a means to ...

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The Civic Minimum

Cited by 259 publications

References 0 publications

The fourth attempt to construct a politics of welfare obligations

The fourth attempt to construct a politics of welfare obligations

Creating ‘Opportunity for All’? New Labour, New Localism and the Opportunity Society

Popular discourse and the ethical deficiency of ‘Third Way’ conceptions of citizenship

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