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The criminological bases of the concept of transitional justice for Ukraine in the part of the description are formulated, the most dangerous criminogenic risks of its realization are found out. It is proposed to distinguish two zones of such risks, which are manifested in the field of existential semantic dilemmas of transitional justice and conditions of legal singularity.Such dilemmas of transitional justice as “truth vs justice”, “justice vs reconciliation” and “reconciliation vs truth” are described. The first is that the desire for just retribution for the suffering caused by the conflict and the existence of fear are contrary to plural rationality, the comprehensiveness of truth. This dilemma is a typical manifestation of binary opposition, which makes it impossible to think and practice in the format of nonlinearity of the history, socio-temporal multidimensionality in a single chronotope of pre-conflict and conflict events.The dilemma of “justice vs. reconciliation” expresses the target and instrumental conflict between retributive and restorative justice, the moral and legal request of the parties to the fair criminal prosecution of offenders and amnesty as a factor in reducing public transit intolerance by those involved in the conflict.The dilemma of “reconciliation vs. truth” is one of the manifestations of competing victimhood, as well as a consequence of metaphysical multiplicity of ontological simultaneous stay of the parties to the conflict in different socio-temporal modes: excellent narrative, discursive symbolic systems of thought, practice.If the internal dimension of social conflict is maintained by foreign policy agents, an energy-charged social mythology, fueled by propaganda, collective commemorative practices, and postmemory mechanisms, becomes an obstacle to the substantive synchronization of time modes.The connection between the shortcomings of the transitional justice components and hate crimes, the delegitimization of state and municipal authorities has been proved. Accent has been placed on the criminogenic significance of competing victimhood, the mythology of postmemory, the desynchronized elements of criminal justice and criminological policy. Emphasis has been placed on the criminogenic significance of shortcomings in approaches to restoring criminal justice mechanisms in the occupied territories, mutual exclusion of jurisdictions of the sovereign Ukrainian state and quasi-law enforcement, quasi-judicial bodies of the occupation administration, which creates obstacles for the conflict-free performance of tasks related to the further treatment of persons “convicted” by the bodies of the occupation administration for committing general criminal offenses under the Criminal Code of Ukraine. Similar criminogenic risks are formed within the legal regulation of relations on: a) recognition / non-recognition of quasi-legal facts in the field of registration of civil status, quasi-transactions with property that do not violate the rights and freedoms of citizens of Ukraine, i.e. are not socially dangerous or harmful, etc.; b) the legally significant status of special subjects of criminal offenses to ensure the possibility of bringing them to justice under the articles of the Criminal Code of Ukraine on crimes committed by such subjects in the temporarily occupied territories.
The criminological bases of the concept of transitional justice for Ukraine in the part of the description are formulated, the most dangerous criminogenic risks of its realization are found out. It is proposed to distinguish two zones of such risks, which are manifested in the field of existential semantic dilemmas of transitional justice and conditions of legal singularity.Such dilemmas of transitional justice as “truth vs justice”, “justice vs reconciliation” and “reconciliation vs truth” are described. The first is that the desire for just retribution for the suffering caused by the conflict and the existence of fear are contrary to plural rationality, the comprehensiveness of truth. This dilemma is a typical manifestation of binary opposition, which makes it impossible to think and practice in the format of nonlinearity of the history, socio-temporal multidimensionality in a single chronotope of pre-conflict and conflict events.The dilemma of “justice vs. reconciliation” expresses the target and instrumental conflict between retributive and restorative justice, the moral and legal request of the parties to the fair criminal prosecution of offenders and amnesty as a factor in reducing public transit intolerance by those involved in the conflict.The dilemma of “reconciliation vs. truth” is one of the manifestations of competing victimhood, as well as a consequence of metaphysical multiplicity of ontological simultaneous stay of the parties to the conflict in different socio-temporal modes: excellent narrative, discursive symbolic systems of thought, practice.If the internal dimension of social conflict is maintained by foreign policy agents, an energy-charged social mythology, fueled by propaganda, collective commemorative practices, and postmemory mechanisms, becomes an obstacle to the substantive synchronization of time modes.The connection between the shortcomings of the transitional justice components and hate crimes, the delegitimization of state and municipal authorities has been proved. Accent has been placed on the criminogenic significance of competing victimhood, the mythology of postmemory, the desynchronized elements of criminal justice and criminological policy. Emphasis has been placed on the criminogenic significance of shortcomings in approaches to restoring criminal justice mechanisms in the occupied territories, mutual exclusion of jurisdictions of the sovereign Ukrainian state and quasi-law enforcement, quasi-judicial bodies of the occupation administration, which creates obstacles for the conflict-free performance of tasks related to the further treatment of persons “convicted” by the bodies of the occupation administration for committing general criminal offenses under the Criminal Code of Ukraine. Similar criminogenic risks are formed within the legal regulation of relations on: a) recognition / non-recognition of quasi-legal facts in the field of registration of civil status, quasi-transactions with property that do not violate the rights and freedoms of citizens of Ukraine, i.e. are not socially dangerous or harmful, etc.; b) the legally significant status of special subjects of criminal offenses to ensure the possibility of bringing them to justice under the articles of the Criminal Code of Ukraine on crimes committed by such subjects in the temporarily occupied territories.
The article is devoted to the characteristics of the main challenges of the war for the development of Ukrainian society and the state and responses to them in the field of criminal law policy formation and implementation. The purpose of the article is to provide a systemic characterization of the changes that have taken place in the Criminal Code of Ukraine since February 24, 2022 and are aimed at responding to challenges related to martial law, as well as determining their necessity, sufficiency, and adequacy. The empirical basis of the study is made up of the materials of 225 court verdicts for the commission of criminal offenses provided for by Articles 111, 111-1, 111-2, 114-2, 436-2, 438 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, as well as the results of expert assessments and surveys of 92 employees of pre-trial investigation bodies of the National of the police, 35 employees of the prosecutor’s office, 30 investigators of the Security Service of Ukraine in Kharkiv, Odesa and Zaporizhzhia regions. The analysis of these sources made it possible to identify and describe the existing problems of criminal law regulation of social relations in a number of spheres, which have been exposed to the greatest negative influence since the beginning of the full-scale war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. A description and explanation of the main and indirect threats associated with the full-scale armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine is provided. The changes in the law on criminal liability, which occurred as a reaction to the specified threats in the form of criminalization of socially dangerous acts, as well as in the practice of applying criminal law norms on collaborationism, aiding the aggressor state, justification, denial of armed aggression against Ukraine, war crimes, etc., are analyzed. Their shortcomings and defects are identified, proposals are formulated for their elimination through improvement both at the law-making and law-enforcement levels. The need for Ukraine to ratify the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and the Kampala annexes to it is emphasized. Equally significant is the improvement of domestic legislation and the practice of its application in relation to countering collaborationism, aiding the aggressor state, as well as war crimes, crimes of aggression, and crimes against humanity. The inadequacy of the application of norms on war crimes in those cases in which terrorism takes place has been established at the level of a separate scientific and law-enforcement problem. The possibility of the coexistence of the phenomena of terrorism and aggressive war, the presence of signs of war crimes and terrorist acts in the actions of combatants has been proven. The key factor in distinguishing these phenomena should not be the international legal status of the guilty person as a combatant, but the content of the subjective side of the composition of the criminal offense with a significant coincidence of the signs of the objective side of war crimes and terrorist acts.
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