The Curious Case of Belgium: Why is There no Right-Wing Populism in Wallonia?

Jonge, Léonie de

doi:10.1017/gov.2020.8

Cited by 18 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 30 publications

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“…Here, the cordons sanitaires are not only maintained and enforced by mainstream parties as noted above in terms of not cooperating or refusing to deal with the party, but also by the media, in that the party is repeatedly and consistently portrayed as dangerous, and purposefully ignored or denied media coverage 8 . The work of Léonie de Jonge (2018, 2020) on the cordon sanitaire médiatique in francophone Belgium is instructive here: in this context, there is such a strong agreement among the media to not offer direct access or a platform to the far right that this agreement has been formalized by the body that regulates electronic media in the country, and became legally binding in 2011 (De Jonge 2018: 197). De Jonge notes that the combination of this cordon sanitaire médiatique with a political cordon sanitaire in Wallonia has led to something of an ‘airtight’ cordon overall, ensuring far and populist radical right parties in the region have not been able to break through on a discursive nor on an electoral level (2020: 13).…”

Section: Who Is Responsible For ‘Mainstreaming’ and ‘Pariahing’?mentioning

confidence: 99%

How Do Mainstream Parties ‘Become’ Mainstream, and Pariah Parties ‘Become’ Pariahs? Conceptualizing the Processes of Mainstreaming and Pariahing in the Labelling of Political Parties

Moffitt

2021

Gov. & oppos.

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How does a political party become ‘mainstream’? And what makes some parties receive arguably the opposite designation – ‘pariah party’? This conceptual article examines the processes by which parties’ mainstream or pariah status must be constructed, negotiated and policed, not only by political scientists in the pursuit of case selection, but by several actors actively involved in the political process, including media actors and political parties themselves. It explains how these actors contribute to these processes of ‘mainstreaming’ and ‘pariahing’, considers their motivations and provides illustrative examples of how such processes take place. As such, the article moves beyond the literature on the ways in which mainstream parties seek to deal with or respond to threats from a variety of pariah parties, instead paying attention to how those parties have been constructed as pariahs in the first place, and how these processes simultaneously contribute to the maintenance of mainstream party identities.

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Section: Who Is Responsible For ‘Mainstreaming’ and ‘Pariahing’?mentioning

confidence: 99%

How Do Mainstream Parties ‘Become’ Mainstream, and Pariah Parties ‘Become’ Pariahs? Conceptualizing the Processes of Mainstreaming and Pariahing in the Labelling of Political Parties

Moffitt

2021

Gov. & oppos.

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“…In addition to the social cleavage framework’s profound influence on research on party systems, its core object of inquiry (e.g. Hooghe and Marks, 2018; Aydogan, 2020; Selçuk and Hekimci, 2020), it also informs contemporary research on topics ranging from social polarization along the lines of political parties (Iyengar et al, 2019) to right-wing populist parties electoral success in some regions but not others (De Jonge, 2020), European integration (Börzel and Risse, 2020), and policies aimed at promoting economic growth in developed democracies (Hall, 2020).…”

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confidence: 99%

On-Side fighting in civil war: The logic of mortal alignment in Syria

Schulhofer-Wohl

2020

Rationality and Society

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On-side fighting – outright violence between armed groups aligned on the same side of a civil war’s master cleavage – represents a devastating breakdown in cooperation. Its humanitarian consequences are also grave. But it has been under-recognized empirically and therefore under-theorized by scholars to date. This article remedies the omission. Existing research can be extrapolated to produce candidate explanations, but these overlook spatial and temporal variation in on-side fighting within a war. I provide a theory that accounts for this ebb and flow. On-side fighting hinges on belligerents’ trade-offs between short-term survival and long-term political objectives. Enemy threats to survival underpin on-side cooperation; in their absence, belligerents can pursue political gains against on-side competitors. I evaluate this threat-absence theory using evidence from the ongoing Syrian Civil War’s first years. Fine-grained fatalities data capture fluctuating enemy threats to on-side groups’ survival and situate on-side fighting and its absence. Findings support threat-absence theory and contribute to research on warfighting and political competition in civil wars and to the study of coalition dynamics in other settings, including elections and legislatures.

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“…In the past, there was some mimicry of the French Front National, but these initiatives never obtained more than 2 per cent of the vote. As such, the Walloon region of Belgium is now one of very few regions in Europe without any radical right political party (De Jonge, 2021). The linguistic segregation of the country also implies that two distinct elections occur simultaneously.…”

Section: The Case Of the Flemish Region Of Belgiummentioning

confidence: 99%