The Disappearance of Politics, or Depolitization the Czech Way

Perottino, Michel

doi:10.5817/soc2016-1-45

Cited by 4 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 5 publications

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“…Emmanuel Macron succeeded in portraying an image of a political outsider taking on the old dysfunctional establishment that did not match the reality-with his past career within the system he criticized since the beginning of his path to the French presidency. The changes in French society, namely its de-ideologization and de-politicization (Perottino, 2016), contributed to the appeal of an apolitical technocracy (cf. Putnam, 1977).…”

Section: The Rise Of a Charismatic Technocratmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Their domination progressively eroded due to the growing electoral success of the anti-establishment radical right National Front, which challenged the political establishment. However, the progressive weakening of the establishment parties was mainly due to internal causes (incapacity to select competent elites or corruption; Perottino, 2016). As the establishment eroded, and the radical right remained unpalatable for mainstream voters, a window of opportunity opened for Macron, who successfully used it.…”

Section: Macron As the Only Possible Solutionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Technocratic Populism à la Française? The Roots and Mechanisms of Emmanuel Macron’s Success

Perottino

Guasti

2020

PaG

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This article focuses on the roots and mechanisms of Macron’s success, arguing that in 2017 two conditions were essential in Macron’s rise—the implosion of the established system of the French Fifth Republic in which the two main parties were alternating in power; and the rise of anti-establishment populist challengers on the right and on the left (cf. Stockemer, 2017; Zulianello, 2020). It was anti-establishment appeal that put Macron on the map, but the appeal to technocratic competence that won him the presidency. Technocratic populism transcends the left–right cleavage and, as a result, has a broader appeal than its left- and right-wing counterparts. Emmanuel Macron was an insider taking on the (crumbling) system and positioning himself as an outsider—refusing the traditional labels, including centrism, elite recruitment patterns, and mediated politics. Instead, Macron and <em>La Republique en Marche</em> attempted to create new forms of responsiveness by ‘giving voice to the people,’ while relying on technocratic competence as a legitimation mechanism. In power Emmanuel Macron attempts to balance responsiveness and responsibility (cf. Guasti & Buštíková, 2020).

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Section: The Rise Of a Charismatic Technocratmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Macron As the Only Possible Solutionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Technocratic Populism à la Française? The Roots and Mechanisms of Emmanuel Macron’s Success

Perottino

Guasti

2020

PaG

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“…While these recent processes complicate the picture they, too, carry echoes of the post-socialist escape from arbitrariness. In the Czech Republic, the populist Prime Minister Babiš gained votes by a promise of an impersonal, expertise-driven government, where technology, hard work and expertise will replace arbitrary political decisions (Perottino, 2016). In Poland, the governing Law and Justice (PiS) Party refers in its political rhetoric to injustices and inequalities of the post-1989 transformation, which nonetheless doesn’t mean a direct critique of capitalism or the market.…”

Section: Conclusion: Escape From Arbitrarinessmentioning

confidence: 99%

Escape from arbitrariness: Legitimation crisis of real socialism and the imaginary of modernity

Świrek

Pospěch

2020

European Journal of Social Theory

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The 1989 revolutions in Central and Eastern Europe and the subsequent transitions have commonly been interpreted in political terms, as movements towards democracy, or in economic terms, as escape from the command economy towards the free market. We revisit the problem to suggest a different reading. We argue that in the legitimization crisis of real socialism, a pivotal role was played by the burden of social oversaturation and bureaucratic arbitrariness, which met its desired alternative in social imaginaries of impersonal, objective social system. For the citizens of Central and East European countries, this fantasy was matched by the promise of the free market, which was morally contrasted to the experience of daily life under late socialism. We argue that this desire to escape from arbitrariness to objectivity is a particularly strong motive in the imaginary of modernity which found one of its historical manifestations in the disappointment with real socialism.

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“…(e.g. Kunc 2000;Fiala -Strmiska 2001;Pšeja 2005;Deegan -Krause 2006; Szczerbiak -Hanley 2006;Hanley 2008;Bureš et al 2012;Balík -Hloušek 2016or Havlík, Voda 2016, or taking into account specific cases, phenomena or theoretical and practical overlaps deemed necessary by the authors (e.g Voda - Pink 2015;Brunclík -Kubát 2016;Perottino 2016;Cabada 2017;Hloušek -Kopeček 2017;Stauber 2017or Kopeček et al 2018…”

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confidence: 99%

Is the “new” always “new”? Theoretical framework problems of new political parties’ research: The Czech Republic experience

Šárovec

2019

Politics in Central Europe

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New political parties can be essential holders of party systems' change. A lot of scholars underline this reality. In fact, it is often not enough only to establish a new political subject. There is a significant relationship between a new party emergence and the subsequent electoral success, which is often an overlooked research dimension. This article intends to focus on the most important features narrowly connected with new political parties' study approaches. There is no concurrence on what a new political party exactly is. It is possible to find a whole range of high -quality based articles exploring newness in a current or recent state of knowledge. Despite it, this research still has several substantial doubts about this question. Examples of Czech political parties that have been successful in the first -order elections (FOE) and where the problematic aspects of their declared novelty can be traced will be compared here. The evidence of complexity pertaining to this phenomenon is obvious: every political party is new in the moment of its formation in reality, but on the other hand not every political party is new regarding an appropriate theoretical concept. This empirical base shows that declared novelty can be rather more a tool of broader communication and image strategy than a real indisputable party attribute. Dawn -Dawn of Direct Democracy (Úsvit přímé demokracie) FOE -first -order elections KDU -ČSL -Christian and Democratic Union -Czechoslovak People's Party (Křesťanská a demokratická unie -Československá strana lidová) KSČM -Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (Komunistická strana Čech a Moravy) LIDEM -Liberal Democracy (Liberální demokracie) MS Piráti -Moravian and Silesian Pirate Party (Moravská a Slezská pirátská strana) ODA -Civic Democratic Alliance (Občanská demokratická aliance) ODS -Civic Democratic Party (Občanská demokratická strana) PP -Czech Pirate Party (Česká pirátská strana) PRO2016 -Political movement PRO 2016 (Politické hnutí PRO 2016) SPD -Freedom and Direct Democracy -Tomio Okamura (Svoboda a přímá demokracie -Tomio Okamura) STAN -Mayors and Independents (Starostové a nezávislí) SZ -Green Party (Strana zelených)

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The Disappearance of Politics, or Depolitization the Czech Way

Cited by 4 publications

References 5 publications

Technocratic Populism à la Française? The Roots and Mechanisms of Emmanuel Macron’s Success

Technocratic Populism à la Française? The Roots and Mechanisms of Emmanuel Macron’s Success

Escape from arbitrariness: Legitimation crisis of real socialism and the imaginary of modernity

Is the “new” always “new”? Theoretical framework problems of new political parties’ research: The Czech Republic experience

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