The distribution of object clitic pronouns in the Grottaferrata manuscript of Digenis Akritis

Abstract

The Grottaferrata manuscript of Digenis Akritis may be of more interest to Medieval Greek linguists than previously assumed. This rather 'archaizing' version obeys the same medieval distribution rules for object clitic pronouns postulated by Mackridge for the more 'vernacular' Escorial version. Moreover, it is shown that the medieval rules-divided into a syntactic and a pragmatic principle-clearly constitute a gradual continuation of older, post-Classical, tendencies. Much attention is paid to the pragmatic principle in relation to verbs, which is invoked as an explanatory principle for apparent exceptions. * I would like to thank Mark Janse, Peter Mackridge and two anonymous referees of BMGS for their valuable and inspiring comments. My work was funded by the Fonds Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek (grant no. B/10040/02). 1 S. Alexiou, BaoiXewq Aiyevijg AKpirrig (Kara TO %eip6ypa</>o xov EoicopiaX) (Athens 1985). 2 P. Mackridge, 'An editorial problem in Medieval Greek texts: The position of the object clitic pronoun in

The Late Medieval Greek πολιτικὸς στίχος Poetry: Language, Metre and Discourse (University of Ghent, 2015)

“…more specifically, E. The G version is again ignored. As a matter of fact, I have discovered that G is erroneously disregarded in the numerous recent studies on LMG OCPs, for even in this so-called archaising version we can identify the contemporary rules for OCPs (Soltic 2012). Consequently, Mackridge's rules have more validity than he himself realised……”

Clitic Doubling in Vernacular Medieval Greek

“…As mentioned above (section 5.3), it is not only function/preferential words that attract clitic pronouns into preverbal position. Preposed ad hoc focalized constituents are also associated with preverbal clitic pronouns (see Condoravdi & Kiparsky ; Revithiadou & Spyropulos ; Soltic ). This is the case for the examples below: the intervening element (in bold) is a lexical constituent which constitutes the focus of the utterance.…”

“…Briefly, these triggering elements consist of so-called 'function words' (especially subordinators) and 'preferential words' (e.g. demonstratives; see Dover 1960), but also 'ad hoc focalized constituents' can be responsible for preverbal clitic pronouns (see Soltic 2012). These last are purely lexical constituents which constitute the focus (as opposed to the topic) of the utterance (see Condoravdi & Kiparsky 2004;Revithiadou & Spyropulos 2006), for instance: In this verse, a function word, i.e.…”

“… Among others: Ramoutsaki (); Condoravdi & Kiparsky (); Pappas (); Thoma (); Vejleskov (); Revithiadou & Spyropoulos (; ); for a detailed bibliography, see Soltic (). …”

“…Among others:Ramoutsaki (1996);Condoravdi & Kiparsky (2004);Pappas (2004);Thoma (2007);Vejleskov (2005);Revithiadou & Spyropoulos (2006;; for a detailed bibliography, seeSoltic (2012).11 As pointed out by an anonymous referee, these pragmatic factors cannot be completely detached from syntax, since the fact that the preverbal triggering word must precede the verb is a very important syntactic restriction Pappas (2004). in particular minimizes the impact of pragmatics on the position of the Medieval Greek clitic pronouns.…”