The Division of Labor in the Home: A Review and Reconceptualization

Kroska, Amy

doi:10.2307/2787092

Cited by 59 publications

(50 citation statements)

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“…However, theoretically sound arguments exist for causation in both directions. Following the psychological theory of cognitive dissonance, one would argue that labour market behaviour shapes attitudes by making individuals value what they are doing (Kroska 1997). A woman not active in the labour market would therefore tend to maintain or develop more traditional attitudes to decrease discrepancies between her behaviour and her values (Gangl and Ziefle 2015).…”

Section: Theoretical Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 99%

Labour market entries and exits of women from different origin countries in the UK

Khoudja

Platt

2018

Social Science Research

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In the context of increasing women's labour force participation (LFP) across Western countries, there remain large differences in LFP for women of different ethnic origins.While existing research has demonstrated that part of these differences can be attributed to compositional differences (age, qualifications, family context etc.) and to differences in gender role attitudes and religiosity, residual 'ethnic effects' typically remain. Further insight into the drivers of such differences has the potential to inform us about factors shaping women's LFP more widely. In this paper we exploit a largescale longitudinal study of the UK to investigate ethnic differences in both LFP entry and exit probabilities. We examine how far we can account for overall ethnic differences in LFP entry and exit, taking account of individual characteristics, gender role attitudes and religiosity, and the contribution of relevant life-course events. We find that, adjusting for all these factors, Indian and Caribbean women do not differ from White majority women in their labour force entry and exit probabilities but that Pakistani and Bangladeshi women are less likely to enter and more likely to exit the labour market, while Black African women have higher entry rates. We also find that Pakistani and Bangladeshi women's labour market entries and exits are less sensitive to partnership and child-bearing events than other women's.

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Section: Theoretical Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 99%

Labour market entries and exits of women from different origin countries in the UK

Khoudja

Platt

2018

Social Science Research

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“…I drew on ACT to illuminate patterns in the housework literature, showing that the potency differences in gendered family identities-with male identities rated higher than the female counterparts-can help explain gender inequality in family work divisions (Kroska 1997). ACT impression formation effects show that actors can affirm a potent identity, in part, by engaging in behaviors that are powerful and, if the recipient is good (as all family identities are), behaviors that are nice.…”

Section: Affect Control Theorymentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Nelson (2006) showed that behaviors are the element most likely to be redefined when individuals read about an event in the news, but little other empirical work has examined this issue. I hypothesized that if individuals are actors in the situation, strong identity commitment will reduce the tendency to change the self-identity (Kroska 1997), but this hypothesis has not been investigated. And even if identity commitment proves useful for predicting the likelihood of such changes, additional propositions are needed to anticipate which of the non-self-identity elements (e.g., behavior, object) will be redefined when the self-identity is not redefined.…”

Section: Limitationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It also conceptualizes gender with the binary male/female categories, an approach that some see as inconsistent with empirical evidence and feminist values (e.g., Schilt 2010, p. 174). Critics have also identified shortcomings in efforts to evaluate the perspective, noting that researchers typically rely on their own cultural knowledge rather than measurement processes to operationalize the dependent variable, that is, the correspondence between individuals' behavior and the situational gender norms (Kroska 1997).…”

Section: Limitationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Social Psychology of Gender Inequality

Kroska

2014

Handbook of the Social Psychology of Inequality

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Despite progress toward gender equality in several areas, gender inequality persists in the United States and throughout the world, and it persists across multiple institutions: education, employment, family, politics, and law. Despite a vast literature documenting these inequalities, questions remain about how they are created and maintained. Social psychology is uniquely positioned to explain those processes. The discipline includes a rich body of theories, including several multilevel theories, which give analysts the ideal tools for illuminating the production and reproduction of inequality across multiple contexts. I begin this chapter by briefly reviewing evidence of gender inequality, focusing on the United States. I then summarize social psychological theories that can be used to explain this inequality, highlighting the theoretical claims, findings, and limitations central to each account. I conclude with a discussion of the areas that warrant further attention. Gender Inequality in the United StatesAlthough women today receive a larger share of post-secondary degrees than men in the U.S., women are far less likely than men to receive degrees in the typically lucrative areas of science, math, and engineering (SME). The gap is especially pronounced in engineering and computer and information science, where women receive only 18 % of the bachelor degrees in both fields (National Center for Education Statistics 2011). This educational segregation creates similar forms of segregation in the labor market, where women are a minority in most SME sub-fields ( Women also earn less than men. In 2011, women's earnings were 77% of men's among full-time year-round workers ages 15 and over (U. S. Census Bureau 2012), a gap that is only a few percentage points smaller than it was in the mid-1990s when the decline in the gap began to slow substantially (Blau and Kahn 2006; U.S. Census Bureau 2012). Gaps persist within age and educational categories as well. For example, in 2011, women's earnings were 74% of men's among full-time year-round workers 25 and over with a bachelor's degree (U.S. Census Bureau A. Kroska ()

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“…Hence, it is likely that external factors place restraints on the time that people spend on paid and unpaid work and on the division of labour in households, creating discrepancies between actual hours spent and the hours that would accord with the preferences people have developed based on their gender attitudes (Corrigall and Konrad 2007;McRae 2003). This may in turn cause distress (Kroska 1997), resulting in lower well-being among people who have not managed to arrange their paid and unpaid work according to their gender attitudes.…”

mentioning

confidence: 97%