The Effects of Victimization on Routine Activities

Bunch, Jackson M.; Clay-Warner, Jody; McMahon-Howard, Jennifer

doi:10.1177/0093854813508286

Cited by 23 publications

(23 citation statements)

References 42 publications

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“…Although the full body of research is somewhat mixed with respect to this proposition (e.g., Averdijk 2011; Bunch et al 2014;Ousey et al 2008), there is some key evidence to support it. Miethe et al (1990), for example, examined individual lifestyle patterns over two time points and found that the odds of repeat victimization were highest among individuals who continually engaged in risky activities.…”

Section: Structural Disadvantage and The Context Of Victimizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Structural Constraints, Risky Lifestyles, and Repeat Victimization

2016

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Objectives Research indicates that victims who make changes to their risky behavioral routines are better able to avoid being victimized again in the future. Nevertheless, some victims' abilities to change their behaviors may be limited by what Hindelang et al. in Victims of personal crime: an empirical foundation for a theory of personal victimization. Ballinger, Cambridge (1978) referred to as ''structural constraints.'' To assess this issue, we determine: (1) whether victims who reside in communities characterized by structural constraints (e.g., concentrated disadvantage) are more likely to continue engaging in risky behaviors (e.g., offending, illicit drug use, and getting drunk) after being victimized; and (2) whether victims who continue to engage in risky lifestyles have an increased likelihood of repeat victimization.Methods Ten waves of data (spanning nearly 7 years) from the Pathways to Desistance Study are used, and multilevel models are estimated to examine changes to risky lifestyles and repeat victimization among a subsample of victims.Results Findings indicate that community-level structural constraints impose limits on the changes that victims make to their risky lifestyles, and that these changes influence repeat victimization.Conclusions We conclude that, in the context of repeat victimization, structural constraints are both real and consequential, and that future theory and research should continue to explore how context shapes and influences victims' behavioral routines.

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Section: Structural Disadvantage and The Context Of Victimizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Structural Constraints, Risky Lifestyles, and Repeat Victimization

2016

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“…Social withdrawal as a consequence of victimization may additionally impair well-being, and collectively weaken the social cohesion and capacity for social control in neighborhoods (Hipp and Steenbeek 2016;Hipp and Wickes 2017;Skogan 1990; Warner and Rountree 1997). However, two studies based on the National Crime Victimization Survey found little or no evidence for a reduction of risky lifestyles subsequent to victimization, based on two survey items on the frequency of shopping and night activity (Averdijk 2011;Bunch et al 2014). Among delinquent adolescents and particularly in neighborhood contexts of concentrated disadvantage and possibly subcultural norms, victimization has been found to actually increase risky lifestyle activities (Turanovic et al 2018).…”

Section: Negative Consequences Of Victimization and Other Life Eventsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A major research obstacle is that most extant literature has used cross-sectional survey data and compared individuals who experienced victimization to individuals who did not, leaving results vulnerable to selection bias and unobserved heterogeneity (Bunch et al 2014;Hope 2007). This between-person approach is unable to determine whether differences in well-being have actually been triggered by the victimization event, or whether individuals who experienced victimization already exhibited lower levels of well-being prior to the event (Skogan 1987).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Victimization and Its Consequences for Well-Being: A Between- and Within-Person Analysis

2020

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Objectives We examined the effects of victimization on several aspects of well-being in a longitudinal study of a general population sample. Previous research has often been inconclusive, as it was largely based on cross-sectional data and prone to problems of unobserved heterogeneity and selection bias. We examined both between-person differences and within-person changes in well-being in relation to property and violent victimization. We investigated psychological and behavioral dimensions of well-being, controlling for and comparing with the effects of other negative life events. Methods We used data from a two-wave panel survey of 2928 respondents aged 25-89 nested in 140 neighborhoods in two large German cities. We applied random-effects modeling to separate between-person from within-person effects. Results The within-person detrimental effects of victimization were considerably smaller than between-person effects, which reflected preexisting, time-stable factors that distinguish individuals who have experienced victimization from individuals who have not. Detrimental effects concerned fear of crime, generalized trust, and neighborhood satisfaction, but did not extend to emotional well-being or life satisfaction, in contrast to other negative life events. We found empirical support both for adaptation ('recovery') effects as well as for anticipation effects. Violent victimization had stronger effects than property victimization, and victimization near the home had stronger effects than victimization elsewhere. Conclusion The findings indicate that violent victimization has palpable detrimental effects on security perceptions, trust and neighborhood satisfaction-but not on emotional well-being and life satisfaction-and that individuals largely recover from the victimization within 18 months.

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“…Furthermore, crime victimization is said to have far-reaching consequences, such as involvement in delinquency and the reproduction of violence (Hay & Evans, 2006). Nevertheless, reactions to the act of violence are not homogenous (Bunch et al, 2014). Traumatic effects may be linked to psychological attributes such as self-efficiency (Bosmans & Velden, 2015); interaction attributes like social connections (Fox & Bouffard, 2015), and social traits, such as poverty (Lowe et al, 2014).…”

Section: Individual-level Effects (Victims and Offenders)mentioning

confidence: 99%

Incorporating Public Insecurity Indicators: A New Approach to Measuring Social Welfare in Mexico

et al. 2017

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This study presents evidence on the utility of including public insecurity indicators when assessing Social Welfare in Mexico. It estimates two multidimensional indices of social welfare using the DP2 method. The two measures (DP2a index and DP2b index) contain the following categories: (1) material welfare, (2) economic well-being, (3) subjective well-being, and (4) social capital. For the second, we included an additional category, (5) public insecurity, and examined its effect on social welfare. The results show that inclusion of indicators of insecurity, crime victimization, and homicides had a negative effect on social welfare within states. Specifically, trust in people, network membership, satisfaction with life, and happiness where reduced. Our results suggest that public insecurity should be a key consideration in the understanding of social welfare in Mexico.

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The Effects of Victimization on Routine Activities

Cited by 23 publications

References 42 publications

Structural Constraints, Risky Lifestyles, and Repeat Victimization

Structural Constraints, Risky Lifestyles, and Repeat Victimization

Victimization and Its Consequences for Well-Being: A Between- and Within-Person Analysis

Incorporating Public Insecurity Indicators: A New Approach to Measuring Social Welfare in Mexico

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