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The article seeks to examine the relationship between the current surge in inflation in the eurozone in general and in France in particular, the economic growth problems and the resulting erosion of the population purchasing power. It was found that the surge in inflation began even before the geopolitical tensions of early 2022 and was associated with large-scale packages of State assistance to the population and businesses to combat the economic downturn caused by the outbreak of COVID-19. The rise in inflation at the end of 2021 was linked to monetary factors, and inflation in 2022 became a more complex phenomenon when its acceleration began to acquire a mixed monetary and non-monetary character. This is due to geopolitical transformations that have led to an increase in prices for energy and other raw materials. It is shown that inflation undermines economic growth prospects and erodes household purchasing power. It is concluded that the anti-inflationary monetary policy of the European Central Bank will affect the inflation rate. Yet, at the same time, economic growth will also slow down in the medium term. Not only France, but also other eurozone countries as a whole are interested in stimulating it. Simultaneously, the situation regarding income and purchasing power will display positive, but insignificant dynamics. The article evaluates measures aimed at propping up purchasing power in France as one of the leading countries of the European Union. The French State possesses and employs a wide range of opportunities to underpin the economy.
The article seeks to examine the relationship between the current surge in inflation in the eurozone in general and in France in particular, the economic growth problems and the resulting erosion of the population purchasing power. It was found that the surge in inflation began even before the geopolitical tensions of early 2022 and was associated with large-scale packages of State assistance to the population and businesses to combat the economic downturn caused by the outbreak of COVID-19. The rise in inflation at the end of 2021 was linked to monetary factors, and inflation in 2022 became a more complex phenomenon when its acceleration began to acquire a mixed monetary and non-monetary character. This is due to geopolitical transformations that have led to an increase in prices for energy and other raw materials. It is shown that inflation undermines economic growth prospects and erodes household purchasing power. It is concluded that the anti-inflationary monetary policy of the European Central Bank will affect the inflation rate. Yet, at the same time, economic growth will also slow down in the medium term. Not only France, but also other eurozone countries as a whole are interested in stimulating it. Simultaneously, the situation regarding income and purchasing power will display positive, but insignificant dynamics. The article evaluates measures aimed at propping up purchasing power in France as one of the leading countries of the European Union. The French State possesses and employs a wide range of opportunities to underpin the economy.
This article examines the main aspects of the IR experts' professional education and training, aimed at improving the efficiency of the foreign office staff. A new approach has been taken to the problem of updating and rationalization of the current academic programs (especially, MA training programs) in order to boost the competitiveness of national educational system at the global education market. The main focus is shifted from marketing to quality and "content" characteristics of the professional training in IR studies' area within the organization of higher education. The author draws on the empirical data, collected by means of analysis, processing and generalization of expert assessments and evaluations of Russian and foreign participants of international faculty and university forums in International Studies in 2015. As a result, the article proposes an ideal model of the master's program, developed by the author, based on "benchmark"International Relations/World Politics programs, which are highly valuated by the respondents. Moreover, it examines the most relevant issues, concerning the framework of students' teaching process (including preparation of master's theses), further employment of graduates and, finally, the development/modernisation of teaching staff. In conclusion, the article highlights recommendations on probable reforms of higher education in IR studies' area. The author does not criticize the national education system destructively. On the contrary, the inevitable question is how to converge the best qualities of domestic and foreign institutions of higher education system in a harmonious way. The article is designed and might be of interest for higher education and training experts, as well as for a wide range of readers interested in the education and training of the foreign office staff.
In the 1960s when it first appeared as a concept public diplomacy was defined very broadly as the impact of a state on a foreign audience. In the 21st century changes in the political organization of the world have led to the strengthening of the social power a state, as well as to the expansion of the means and methods of its use to influence foreign audiences. A new state practice was developed – state policy in the field of international communication. Public diplomacy is only one of the directions of this policy. However, as a result of the initially very broad definition of public diplomacy, it has come to be identified in scientific literature with propaganda, strategic communication, and national branding. The tools developed in related fields – military, commercial – has its own specifics. The article shows that association of these activities with public diplomacy is wrong both in theoretical and practical terms, since it does not allow choosing the appropriate tools of influence for a specific situation. It is argued that under public diplomacy it is still advisable to understand such state communication with a foreign audience, which, firstly, is based on creating attractiveness, secondly, which is focused specifically on the political sphere, and thirdly, it involves dialogue. Comparative analysis of public policy in the field of international communication from different spheres will allow us to better understand the specifics and mechanisms that work in each of these areas. In the middle of the 20th century, non-state actors had not yet entered the international arena en masse, and structures that were “trackers” of state policy were included in public diplomacy in its unofficial channels. Today the situation is much more complicated: along with “trackers” within the framework of unofficial channels of public diplomacy, there are actors of world politics who have significant independence in the world arena and often pursue state policy at their own discretion. As a result, there is often a duplication of certain points, which may be perceived by the external audience as annoying, and on the contrary, there may be contradictions in the actions of various actors of the same state. In any case, in order to somehow reduce such negative effects, it is necessary to study the activities of non-state actors (first of all, actors, and not just “trackers”) of public diplomacy. Also, International Relations (in contrast to other fields of political science) does not study official channels of public diplomacy, including briefings for journalists by various state officials, especially interaction with an external audience through websites, social networks, etc. It is obvious that this subject area should attract the attention of researchers of International Relations to a greater extent than it is observed today.
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