The European Union as a Collective Actor: Aid and Trade in African Public Opinion

Bodenstein, Thilo; Kemmerling, Achim

doi:10.1111/dpr.12196

Cited by 8 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 72 publications

(96 reference statements)

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“…4 no political strings attached aid arrangements 5 , 6 , 7 and its pursuit of bilateral trade deals. [23][24][25][26] Across regions like Latin America and Africa, Chinese-funded infrastructure projects are designed as "win-win" bilateral deals meant to contribute to the development and modernization of the host country, [27] create a positive public perception of China amongst local populations, 8 and facilitate Chinese access to raw materials [28,29]. 9 These projects are often funded by Chinese state agencies, investment banks, or private companies, handled by Chinese contractors (e.g., construction companies), and have an expressed purpose of furthering bilateral trade.…”

Section: Competition For Taiwanese Recognition In Central Americamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Chinese economic participation is focused on raw materials, and their extraction and transport, capturing a combined 80% of Chinese FDI in 2017. 28 United States participation is focused on manufacturing and servicesonly 10% of US FDI went to raw materials in the same year. 29 This segmentation of the USA-China-Latin America triangle makes American trade policy significant for Central American countries as their dominant trading partner, but not as an economic challenge to Chinese interests.…”

Section: A Counterbalance To China?: the Role Of The United Statesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…3301) 27. Avendaño, and Dayton-Johnson, Central America, China and the US: What prospects for development?, 212 28. Wise, The Americas, 291 29.…”

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confidence: 99%

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The Final Frontier: China, Taiwan, and the United States in Strategic Competition for Central America

Portada

Lem

Paudel

2020

J OF CHIN POLIT SCI

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China's rise as a global power corresponded with a diminution of Taiwanese diplomacy, which has left Central America as the last region to host a continuous bloc of countries that recognize the ROC. In this article, we argue that China's success in gaining diplomatic recognition from Taiwan's former allies has largely resulted from China's economic policy, specifically its promises of large-scale infrastructure projects and the integration of Central American economies with Chinese markets. However, there are limits to how far China has advanced in gaining full recognition from the region. The competing political and economic interests of China, Taiwan, the United States, and the Central American countries themselves, continue to influence patterns of diplomatic switching. More specifically, we argue that the threat of punitive measures from the United States combined with a turn in Taiwanese diplomacy toward assistance efforts to combat Covid-19 may deter future switching in the short to medium-term. Our analysis offers case studies of four Central American countries (Costa Rica, Panama, El Salvador and Nicaragua) to illustrate the multi-year processes by which China's economic strategy leads to diplomatic switching and examine the paths ahead for the remaining holdouts facing the prospect of economic and political penalties by the United States.

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Section: Competition For Taiwanese Recognition In Central Americamentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: A Counterbalance To China?: the Role Of The United Statesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Final Frontier: China, Taiwan, and the United States in Strategic Competition for Central America

Portada

Lem

Paudel

2020

J OF CHIN POLIT SCI

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“…Contributions to such earmarked projects are easier to measure and have clearer, tangible benefits for donors. Moreover, in highly visible projects, donors are able to claim greater ownership (Bodenstein and Kemmerling, 2017b).…”

Section: Theorymentioning

confidence: 99%

Aiding together? Europeans’ attitudes on common aid policy

Kiratli

2018

European Union Politics

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This article explores the determinants of individual support for common aid policy in the European Union, the largest multilateral contributor of foreign aid. Using the 2016 Eurobarometer survey data, I first investigate the influence of individuals’ assessments of aid objectives on support for multilateral disbursements, and second, I explore the effect of country-level factors, population and economic power. Multilevel regression models reveal that those who prioritize economic infrastructural projects in developing countries are highly negative of the utilization of EU channels. Conversely, individual preferences for the promotion of democratic reforms and the provision of basic necessities are strongly and positively associated with the dependent variable. The results also demonstrate that individuals living in lower income and less populated polities are more positively disposed towards common aid policy.

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“…China has increasingly assumed a role in development finance, although not within the traditional DAC definition of ODA, with less than 25% of the financial assistance being concessional, and the remainder being largely commercial loans, often for energy and infrastructure projects. Nevertheless, China’s ODA allocations are not necessarily more self-interested than the West [17], and its projects have fostered economic development, with a doubling of ODA from China raising economic growth in recipient countries by an estimated average of 0.94 percentage points, compared to 1.4 percentage points for ODA from OECD-DAC countries [16]. Hong Kong is a Special Administrative Region of China with its own financial system and government budget.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Hong Kong’s role in global health: Public opinion of official development assistance

Lee

Tse²,

Lai³

et al. 2018

PLoS ONE

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Governments in high income countries allocate funding for Official Development Assistance (ODA), and population-based surveys tend to show support for the concept of affluent nations assisting the development of poorer regions. A public opinion survey was conducted in Hong Kong to: (1) assess public support for foreign aid for social development and Hong Kong's current Disaster Relief Fund (DRF); and (2) assess how much respondents thought should be contributed to foreign aid for social development and/or DRF. Interviewers conducted a random telephone survey of Cantonese-speaking Hong Kong citizens aged 18 or above during 2017. Of the 1004 individuals surveyed, 55% (552) agreed that a portion of the government budget should be allocated to the DRF and 37% (372) disagreed. The mean and the median amount of the government budget suggested to be allocated were 5.1% and 2.4% respectively. However only 16% (164) supported the government giving foreign aid for social development, with 79% (793) not supporting, and 5% (47) undecided. The suggested portions of government budget that should be allocated for this purpose were 1.5% (mean) and 0.0% (median). The degree of support for DRF and foreign aid for social development was associated with both age (DRF P < 0.0005; foreign aid for social development P < 0.0005) and education (DRF P = 0.010; foreign aid for social development: P < 0.0005). There was little support for foreign aid for social development amongst the Hong Kong public, in contrast to similar surveys in other countries, but this could be related to the lack of a local tradition of providing ODA to foreign countries. Most respondents supported the current DRF and would like to see a greater proportion of government budget allocated.

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The European Union as a Collective Actor: Aid and Trade in African Public Opinion

Cited by 8 publications

References 72 publications

The Final Frontier: China, Taiwan, and the United States in Strategic Competition for Central America

The Final Frontier: China, Taiwan, and the United States in Strategic Competition for Central America

Aiding together? Europeans’ attitudes on common aid policy

Hong Kong’s role in global health: Public opinion of official development assistance

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