The Forgotten Side of Partisanship

Medeiros, Mike; Noël, Alain

doi:10.1177/0010414013488560

Cited by 137 publications

(47 citation statements)

References 79 publications

(108 reference statements)

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“…Beyond establishing the concept, recent work has documented the effects of negative partisanship on vote choice in multiple countries (Medeiros and Noël, 2014). Separate from positive partisanship, voters are affected by negative attitudes held toward parties as well.…”

Section: The Two Sides Of Partisanshipmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Nevertheless, the volume of scholarship that investigates negative partisanship is dwarfed by the body of literature that considers positive partisanship. Recent efforts have sought to address this lacuna in the literature, and a picture of the sources and effects of negative partisanship (NPID) is beginning to develop (Medeiros and Noël, 2014; McGregor et al, 2014)…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Power of the Dark Side: Negative Partisanship and Political Behaviour in Canada

2014

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The origins and implications of partisan identification are well-studied, but negative partisan attitudes—dislike for a particular party—have escaped such scrutiny, even as the politics of negativity enjoys sustained popularity, especially come election time. In this paper we build upon the comparatively modest negative partisanship literature to consider the effects of negative partisan attitudes on a range of political behaviours. There are reasons to suspect that negative and positive partisanship may have different effects; thus, accounting for the unique influence of negative attitudes is important for understanding the full effect of partisanship on political behaviour. Our results, based upon Canadian Election Study data from 2008 and 2011, reveal that, in addition to vote choice, negative partisanship influences voter turnout and a range of political activities, both related and unrelated to parties. These findings provide evidence of the power of the “dark side” of partisanship.

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Section: The Two Sides Of Partisanshipmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Power of the Dark Side: Negative Partisanship and Political Behaviour in Canada

2014

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“…Quebec is excluded from the Canadian sample given its distinct political cleavages and context (see, e.g. Medeiros and Noël 2014). 3.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Winter 2007;Harell 2009). Comparing Canada to the UK and the US, this distinction seems to manifest in a variety of relevant ways: more extensive efforts on the political right to attract visible minority candidates, potentially shifting ideological assumptions tied to racial markers (Bird, Saalfeld, and Wüst 2010); a somewhat smaller overall gap in racial descriptive representation (Bloemraad 2013); and a unique disconnect between on the one hand, white voters and the right, and on the other, visible-minority voters and the left (Medeiros and Noël 2014, 1036-1037. And while Canada is by no means "post-racial," xenophobia levels and biases against (non-Aboriginal) visible minorities appear to nevertheless be weaker, on average, that in the UK or the US (Ariely 2012;Harell, Soroka, and Iyengar 2016).…”

Section: Data and Case Selectionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Race, class, or both? Responses to candidate characteristics in Canada, the UK, and the US

Kevins

2019

Politics, Groups, and Identities

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Research suggests that voters use identity markers to infer information about candidates for office. Yet politicians have various markers that often point in conflicting directions, and it is unclear how citizens respond to competing signalsespecially outside of a few highly stigmatized groups in the US. Given the relevance of these issues for electoral behavior and patterns of representation, this article examines the impact of intersectional identities and less intensely stigmatized markers in Canada, the UK, and the US. It does so using a survey experiment that varies the race (white/East Asian) and class background (higher/lower) of a candidate for office. I then compare results across the cases, examining willingness to vote for the candidate as well as assumptions about his ideological proximity, relatability, and potential contributions. In doing so, I build from past research suggesting that voter ideology likely shapes reactions to candidates from disadvantaged backgrounds. Results suggest that marginalized identity markers have relatively widespread effects among leftists and (to a lesser extent) centrists, but that, outside of the Canadian left, class seems to matter more than race. Overlapping marginalized identities, in turn, had little impact, with the lower-class white and East-Asian profiles eliciting similar reactions.

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“…At times, the chosen option remains one they adhere to, as in certain cases of "strategic voting": A voter does not vote for their favorite party (or candidate) because it is unlikely to win seats, but the voter opts instead for a larger party (or a more popular candidate) that they prefer among the perceived relevant options (Blais and Degan, 2019). Yet a more problematic case is that of the citizen who votes not so much for a candidate or party as against another candidate or party (Medeiros and Noël, 2014;Caruana et al, 2015). Thus, according to Caruana et al (2015, p. 775), negative partisanship "may motivate individuals to engage in behaviors that disadvantage their disliked party, regardless of the benefits expected for a preferred party (if they have one)."…”

Section: Consent To Representatives' Rulementioning

confidence: 99%

Why Voting Does Not Imply Consenting

Ramelet

2020

Front. Polit. Sci.

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One of the reasons that elections have come to be so widely valued across the globe lies in their perceived ability to increase citizens' consent to be governed by their representatives. Yet, inversely, one may ask what election results tell us about citizens' consent. For instance, to what extent can election winners be assumed to enjoy citizens' consent? Does voting automatically imply consent to the outcome of the election? What does abstention mean? This paper addresses the question of what election results reveal about citizens' consent, from an empirically informed normative perspective. The question is of political importance, because the connection between voting and consenting is often exploited for political gain, and because representative institutions are now being increasingly questioned by citizens themselves. I plead for caution in any endeavor to interpret election results in terms of consent, and I argue that it would be wrong to assume, by default, that voters intend their vote to express consent. Rather, voters' motives can only be ascertained by asking voters about them, and cannot be deduced from their sole act of voting. In addition, much variation is to be expected regarding what is being consented to, and to what degree.

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The Forgotten Side of Partisanship

Cited by 137 publications

References 79 publications

The Power of the Dark Side: Negative Partisanship and Political Behaviour in Canada

The Power of the Dark Side: Negative Partisanship and Political Behaviour in Canada

Race, class, or both? Responses to candidate characteristics in Canada, the UK, and the US

Why Voting Does Not Imply Consenting

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