The Gulf States and Iran: A Turkish Perspective

Oktav, Özden Zeynep

doi:10.1111/j.1475-4967.2011.00491.x

Cited by 7 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…Therefore, it is widely perceived that the increasing power of Iran and some Shia actors in Iraq, Lebanon, Yemen and Syria impacted on the political interactions between ruling families, Sunni movements and Shia groups in the Gulf, as well as between Iran and Saudi Arabia, because the so-called Shia revival increased the fears of Sunni actors. 11 After Ruhollah Khomeini came to power in Iran in 1979, the ideology of velayat-e faqih 12 posed a threat to political authority in Bahrain, with a consequent impact on the state's political structure and sovereignty in Bahrain. Khomeini in his treatise Islamic Government states:…”

Section: Saudi Arabia-iran Rivalrymentioning

confidence: 99%

The Iran–Saudi Arabia rivalry

al-Rasheed

2022

Saudi Arabia and Iran

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After the intervention of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) forces in Bahrain, led by Saudi Arabia, the Bahraini government used force against the demonstrators in 2011. Regional powers such as Iran and Saudi Arabia have sought to strengthen their influence in Bahrain during the 2011 uprising, due to the island's geostrategic location, 200 kilometres off the coast of Iran and 25 kilometres from the Saudi coast. 1 In order to contain the 2011 crisis, the Bahraini authorities accused Iran of fomenting chaos and violence in Bahrain by supporting Shia opposition groups during this period. Moreover, Iranian intervention was viewed by the Bahraini authorities as a challenge to state sovereignty.Amidst complex religious ties across the MENA region, it is perhaps trans-state identity that should be taken as the main tool for unpacking the complexity of regional rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia, and the local conflicts between the Sunnis and Shia. 2 This is because social structures shape dynamic relationships at different levels through ideological, religious, ethnic and historical links. 3 What is known about the ideological competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the MENA region is largely based on empirical studies, which have investigated the impact of religion on the rivalry. 4 According to these studies, following the Islamic Revolution, Iran became a proponent of the Shia minority in the MENA region, while Saudi Arabia supported Sunni groups in the region to strengthen its influence, but this led to instability, due to the increase in so-called proxy wars between Saudi Arabia and Iran in a number of Arab countries.However, in 2011, although some opposition groups called for political reforms and the promotion of democracy, most Sunni groups did not support these demands, due to long-standing communal tensions which possessed a geopolitical element. In the same context, sectarian tensions in Gulf societies have increased significantly, especially during the 2011 crisis in Bahrain. In the Bahraini case, this is due to a perception that any change in the political system in favour of the majority in Bahrain is seen to favour the Shia (and by extension, Iranian aims), thus threatening Saudi

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Section: Saudi Arabia-iran Rivalrymentioning

confidence: 99%

The Iran–Saudi Arabia rivalry

al-Rasheed

2022

Saudi Arabia and Iran

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“…With regard to Iran‐Saudi Arabia relations, structuralism underlines the role the United States plays in distancing Saudi Arabia from Iran, being the greatest power in the international system. Oktav () argues that the United States had a major part in distancing the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf from Iran by sending frequent messages that in absence of Iraq, Iran is the greatest threat to them (p. 137).…”

Section: Iran’s Foreign Policy and Saudi Arabia: Dominant Theoriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Iran and Saudi Arabia: Emotionally Constructed Identities and the Question of Persistent Tensions

Soltaninejad¹

2019

Asian Politics and Policy

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The persistence of tensions in Iran—Saudi Arabia relations is the result of negative emotional predispositions that have formed the identities of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia vis‐à‐vis each other. The national component of the Iranian identity enforces disinclination towards Saudi Arabia, whereas its religious component is mired in a feeling of pain inherited from mistreatment that the Shi’a have tolerated throughout history. This pain translates into resentment against Saudi Arabia, a state seen as oppressing Shi’a populations. This is aggravated by the feeling of being humiliated by the western powers, with Iran’s emotional perception of Saudi Arabia becoming more negative due to close cooperation between Saudi Arabia and the Western great powers. Saudi identity also inherits Arabism’s reluctance to accept Iran. As a result, both countries live in an atmosphere of mutual mistrust and fear that explains the persistence of tensions in their relations.

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“…Striking asymmetry in the states security requirements will continue to exist due to the disparity between the security resources and the security needs of each entity. There is an imbalance of power between countries in the Gulf which permeates to different aspects of their lives (Oktav, 2011), particularly military capabilities. Any efficient security arrangement will need to take into consideration the differences of regional history and tendencies in the distribution of power, both in the Gulf and between regional states and external powers (Sadeghinia, 2012).…”

Section: Achieving Regional Cooperationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Prospects for Collective Security Cooperation in the Gulf

Albasoos¹

2018

J. arts soc. sci.

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The process of establishing a new security structure in the Gulf should take into consideration the failures of the past and the political differences among GCC countries which have been impeding collective security in the Gulf. Collective security arrangements should consider the strategic circumstances that currently exist and the numerous security problems which have implications for security beyond the region itself. These include the Iraqi security situation, Iranian foreign policy and its nuclear and missile programmes, the stability of Yemen, borders disputes, and the deepening Sunni-Shia divide with its destabilising political and social effects on the region. Cooperation in the Gulf should not be limited to military aspects, but must also include economic development, counterterrorism, disaster response, environmental, social and cultural issues. Gulf States should institutionalise their security structures which is important for the establishment of a strong joint command needed to achieve collective security and prosperity and effectively leading to development and stability in the region.

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The Gulf States and Iran: A Turkish Perspective

Cited by 7 publications

References 0 publications

The Iran–Saudi Arabia rivalry

The Iran–Saudi Arabia rivalry

Iran and Saudi Arabia: Emotionally Constructed Identities and the Question of Persistent Tensions

Prospects for Collective Security Cooperation in the Gulf

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